Power issues

On 16 July 2011, Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) posted on its Englishwebsite a video clip taken by Japanese robot Quince showing inside of the No.2 reactor building of Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station. Very Kool.

Switching to thermal power generation can cost ¥400,000,000,000 (Approximately$50.5billion)[Karyoku Daitai de Syotoku Ryusyutu 4-Chyo-Yen mo], 火力代替で所得流出4兆円も) by Tatsuo Kobayasi (小林辰男), Japan Center for Economic Research, July 15, 2011.

                    Japan would face a serious electricity shortage if all its 54 nuclear reactors stopped operating, since the country would be unable to bridge the gap with just fossil fuel power generation. If all the power plant shuts down, GDP would decrease 1.4% in 2011 and 2.2% by 2012, as Kobayashi forecasted. By 2020, the capacity of Nuclear Power generation will be half of what it is in 2011.

Reuters PressReport

Lessons learned

LESSONS LEARNED BY THE NUCLEAR POWER INDUSTRY IN THE AFTERMATH OF JAPAN'S MARCH 11 FUKUSHIMA NUCLEAR DISASTER. 7/18, 12:30pm, Washington DC. Sponsor: National Press Club. Speaker: Gregory Jaczko, chairman of Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Japan Nuclear Accident-NRC Actions.

BRIEFING ON THE TASK FORCE REVIEW OF NRC PROCESSES AND REGULATIONS FOLLOWING THE EVENTS IN JAPAN To provide the Commission a summary of the task force’s review and recommendations, if any, for changes to NRC processes and regulations. Rockville, MD. 7/19, 9:30am. Search link for video of meeting.

HARNESSING NATURAL RESOURCE FOR PEACE BUILDING: LESSONS FROM U.S. AND JAPANESE ASSISTANCE. 7/20, 8:30am-5:00pm, lunch, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Wilson Center (WWC). Speakers: Geoff Dabelko, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars; John Cruden, Environmental Law Institute; Norio Yamamoto, Global Infrastructure Fund Research Foundation Japan; Carl Bruch, Environmental Law Institute; David Catarious, and Alison Lawlor Russell, Center for Naval Analyses; Mami Sato, University of Tokyo; Jon Unruh, McGill University; Ilona Coyle, Environmental Law Institute; Lisa Goldman & Sandra Nichols, Environmental Law Institute; Mikio Ishiwatari, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA); Vladislav Michalcik, American University Washington College of Law; Cynthia Brady, and Oliver Agoncillo, U.S. Agency for International Development; Mikiyasu Nakayama, University of Tokyo; Mikiko Sugiura, Columbia University; Haruka Satoh, University of Tokyo; Jennifer Wallace, University of Maryland; Ken Conca, American University; Alex Fischer, Columbia University; Nao Shimoyachi-Yuzawa, Japan Institute of International Affairs.

THE GREAT EAST JAPAN EARTHQUAKE: LESSONS FOR JAPAN’S ENERGY POLICY, INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT, AND MEDIA COVERAGE. 7/21, 10:00am-Noon, Washington, DC. Sponsor: U.S.-Japan Research Institute. Speakers: Yoshiaki Abe, USJI Operating Adviser/University Professor, Waseda University; Mikiyasu Nakayama, Professor, Division of Environmental Studies, Graduate School of Frontier Sciences, University of Tokyo; Mikio Ishiwatari, Senior Advisor in disaster management and water resources management, JICA; Jennifer Sklarew, U.S.-Japan energy policy specialist; Mikiko Sugiura, Visiting Scholar of the Department of Civil Engineering Mechanics, Columbia University; Norio Yamamoto, Executive Vice President, Global Infrastructure Fund (GIF) Research Foundation Japan.

OPERATION TOMODACHI: SUPPORT, COMPASSION, COMMITMENT. 7/22, 1:30-2:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Japan-America Society of Washington DC. Speaker: Admiral Patrick M. Walsh, Commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet.

No guarantees for Japan after 2012: Will the Republicans bring anything new?

HUMZA AHMAD a former APP Research Assistant and current nonresident fellow and C.D. ALEXANDER EVANS, wrote an op-ed for The Japan Times, Friday, July 8, 2011 on what the Republicans presidential hopefuls might say about Japan. The result is a witty, amusing, and sometimes sad account of how little Japan will be noted in Republican foreign policy.

 NEW YORK — In recent years both the United States and Japan have seen leadership changes at the highest levels of government. In 2008, Democrat Barack Obama was elected U.S. president, followed in 2009 by the ascendance of the Democrat Party of Japan, ending the nearly unbroken postwar dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party.

 

After both changes of power, relationship managers on both sides of the Pacific scrambled to find out as much as they could about these new ruling parties and their new national leaders.

While a change of power is by no means assured, the 2012 U.S. presidential election holds the potential to bring a Republican back to the White House.

Although it is an open secret that the Japanese political elite have always been more comfortable with the pro-military, pro-free trade Republicans, a look at the current field of candidates leaves no guarantee that a Republican administration would strengthen the U.S.-Japan relationship.

Three of the candidates seem particularly negative. Michele Bachmann, a House member from Minnesota, called the Japanese health care system an example of "gangster government" in 2009 when she claimed that the threat of not receiving health care silenced open criticism of the system.

Ron Paul, a House member from Texas, is strongly in favor of free trade but he is strongly opposed to overseas U.S. military bases.

Rick Santorum, a former senator from Pennsylvania, voted for a bill in the Senate in 1995 that tried to limit sales of Japanese automobiles in the U.S. on purely protectionist grounds.

For Jon Huntsman, the former governor of Utah and former Ambassador to China, China seems to be a more important focus for America's attention.

According to sources close to the campaign, Huntsman's pro-China stance and cultural affinity for China (he was a Mormon missionary there and speaks fluent Mandarin) might translate to a negative perception of Japan, in general, and the U.S. military's presence there in particular.

Three of the candidates do seem quite positive. Newt Gingrich, the former speaker of the House of Representatives, has been in favor of a strong Japan-U.S. alliance, and traveled to Japan on a speaking tour in 2009.

Hanging on by a slender thread

President Barack Obama most likely will meet a fourth Japanese prime minister this September on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly. He originally was supposed to have hosted Prime Minister Naoto Kan for a state visit in Washington. I, however, expect that PM Naoto Kan will be out of office in August, if not earlier, and his party, the DPJ, will just have time enough to elect a new party president and thus prime minister before the September UNGA.

Faulted for alleged ineptness in handling the earthquake-tsunami-nuclear disaster this spring, Kan, early this summer, promised to step down in order to avoid what could have been a fatal vote of no-confidence in the Lower House. Yet, he never said exactly when that would be. He has since sounded as if he is no rush to leave, angering the opposition camp and the many in his own party who want new leadership. The latest speculation is that he will step down sometimes in August after key legislation clears the extended session of the Diet.

Most Japanese have long ago given up on the Kan administration. Nothing that Kan has touched with his policy finger since coming into office a year ago has turned to gold. Instead, most of his agenda has ended up in the dustbin. With little to show in terms of domestic and foreign policy accomplishments, Kan’s once heady popularity has suffered accordingly.

Only weeks ago, his support rate in the polls was hovering in the low to mid-twenty percent range, but in the latest NHK poll, it plunged to 16 percent, a record low. Asahi’s poll was even worse, 15 percent, down from last month’s 22 percent. Kan’s predecessor, Yukio Hatoyama, had a 17 percent support rate in the Asahi poll when he resigned. The vast majority of Japanese, the polls show, want Kan out by August. The Asahi’s poll registered this view as being held by 80 percent.

Kan’s recent reshuffling of his cabinet was rather meaningless – one new appointee, Reconstruction Minister Ryu Matsumoto, was forced to quit after a week when he bad-mouthed earthquake victims (he was hospitalized recently). One disgruntled Cabinet member, METI Minister Banri Kaieda, has hinted at quitting over energy policy differences with Kan. The Prime Minister’s unilateral, uncoordinated decisions have left his cabinet and party frustrated. No one seems to know what he will do next, and many suspect he is just stalling in order to prolong his political life. Despite the chorus in the DPJ calling for his resignation, Kan still keeps chugging along as if he single-handedly can get things done. Kan has increasingly isolated himself.

The China threat

CHINA IN 2020: A NEW TYPE OF SUPERPOWER. 6/15, 2:00-3:45pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings. Speakers: Hu Angang, Director, Center for China Studies, Tsinghua University; Nicholas R. Lardy, Anthony M. Solomon Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics; Cheng Li, Director of Research, John L. Thornton China Center.

CHINA’S FIVE-YEAR PLAN, INDIGENOUS INNOVATION AND TECHNOLOGY TRANSFERS, AND OUTSOURCING. 6/15, 9:00am-3:15pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. Speakers: Rep. Tim Murphy (R-PA); Dr. Willy C. Shih, Professor of Management Practice, Harvard Business School; Dr. Eswar Prasad, Nandlal P. Tolani Professor of Trade Policy, Cornell University and Senior Fellow, Brookings Institution; Dr. Adam Segal, Ira A. Lipman Senior Fellow for Counterterrorism and National Security Studies, Council on Foreign Relations; Mr. John Neuffer, Vice President for Global Policy, Information Technology Industry Council; Dr. Dieter Ernst, Senior Fellow, East-West Center; Dr. Ralph E. Gomory, Research Professor, NYU Stern School of Business and President Emeritus, Alfred P. Sloan Foundation; Mr. Leo Hindery, Jr., Chairman, U.S. Economy/Smart Globalization Initiative, New America Foundation; Dr. Philip I. Levy, Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute.

DEATH BY CHINA. 6/16, Noon-1:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: American Iron and Steel Institute. Speakers: Peter Navarro, Business Professor, Paul Merage School of Business, University of California-Irvine; Greg Autry, Economics Professor, Paulo Merage School of Business, University of California-Irvine; Richard Fisher, senior fellow of Asian military affairs at the International Assessment and Strategy Center; Richard McCormack, editor and publisher of Manufacturing and Technology News; Peter Morici, professor of international business at the University of Maryland; and Alan Tonelson, research fellow of the U.S. Business and Industrial Council Educational Foundation.

FRIEND, FOE, OR FALLACY: HOW TO THINK ABOUT CHINA’S RISE. 6/16, 12:45-1:45pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: New American Foundation (NAF). Speakers: Ely Ratner, Associate Political Scientist, RAND Corporation; Steven Weber, Professor of Political Science and the School of Information, University of California-Berkley.

CHINESE FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT: IS IT A THREAT TO THE UNITED STATES, DOMESTICALLY OR GLOBALLY? 6/21, 10:00am–Noon, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Wilson Center and Asia Society Washington Center. Speakers: Daniel H. Rosen, Rhodium Group; Derek Scissors, Heritage Foundation; J.Stapleton Roy, Director, Kissinger Institute on China and the United States.

Shangri-La Previewed

The above talk given by Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell at CSIS on May 31, previews many of the points the US government hopes to make at this weekend's Shangri-La Dialogue where anyone who is anybody goes to discuss Asia. APP member, The Cable Guy Josh Rogin, has a good summary of the presentation HERE. Essentially, Campbell made it very firm that the US has strategic interests in the region and is not going away anytime soon.

Note that the talk was very focused on Southeast Asia with little reference to China, Japan or Korea except as elements of cooperation.

Can Kan Survive?

Getty Images

By tomorrow we will know if the Kan government has survived. On Thursday, June 2 the opposition LDP and New Komeito coalition promises to bring a no-confidence motion to a vote. How many rebels within Kan’s own party, the DPJ, will join is the question. Note, it is not “whether” but “how many.” No matter the outcome, Prime Minister Kan’s leadership is shaken and the DPJ is shredded.

The G8 Summit and the bilateral with President Obama was important for Prime Minister Naoto Kan. They bolstered Japan’s international presence as well as the beleaguered leader’s image. At home, Japan’s triple disasters have created profound physical and psychological damage. Japanese remain panicked about the continued radiation from Fukushima.

Kan is under heavy criticism for his allegedly bungling responses, particularly to the nuclear accident. Kan and his cabinet have been pummeled daily in the Diet and the press. The U.S.-Japan summit meeting thus turned into an anchor of calm for Japan in a sea of political chaos at home.

Japan needed the personal assurances of its good friend and ally, the U.S., that the bilateral relationship remains high on the President’s agenda, including assistance to help its long-term recovery. That being said, the bilateral meeting did not address pending problems, nor was it supposed to. It simply gave Kan more time to work on domestic issues such as the future course of the Futenma relocation issue and Japan’s preparations for possibly joining TPP – hopefully by the Prime Minister’s official U.S. visit, now delayed to September.

That is, if Kan can survive politically beyond tomorrow.

Kan’s visible presence among the G8 leaders, his speeches that showed Japan’s resolve, and promises on the energy front were impressive. It was also good for the Japanese people to see their leader no longer in a crisis-management mode, but actively engaged in fulfilling the international responsibilities of his position. Press reaction initially to his summit diplomacy was positive. The media have been far less friendly, though, on the highly volatile issue of managing the nuclear crisis set off by the Fukushima disaster.

Kan may have bought some time with the U.S., but the political opposition in the Diet has not given him any slack. He returned from France not only with heavy Summit homework to address, but also a Diet in turmoil, key bills in limbo, and a reinvigorated opposition camp ready to submit a no-confidence motion against him. The irony of the U.S. President praising Kan’s leadership, when it is under severe attack at home, was not lost on the Japanese media.

It is likely that some of the anti-Kan forces in the DPJ, mostly loyal followers of former Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa, will bolt from the party to support the motion. DPJ leaders have warned that they would throw any rebels out of the party. Nevertheless, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has also indicated that he will support the no-confidence motion. Further, on Wednesday evening three Vice Ministers and two Parliamentary Secretaries turned in their resignations to the government. The five men, all close to Ozawa, said that they had to resign in order to vote for the no confidence motion.*

As of today (June 1, U.S. time), it still seems unlikely that there will be enough rebels (85 or so needed) to allow the motion to pass. Conventional wisdom, however, has the number at around 50. Kan told the Diet he was not about to resign with his job of reconstructing Japan undone, and the DPJ has warned that the Prime Minister might dissolve the Diet as punishment to the rebels and the LDP.

But an election could be political suicide for the DPJ. At least four political pundits have predicted that if there were a snap election, the DPJ would lose badly, with the LDP winning big enough to put it back into power with the Komeito. Recently, however, the Japanese Supreme Court ruled the previous Diet elections unconstitutional. They can prohibit another election until the Diet fixes the apportionment inequalities in the voting system. It is anybody's guess how this political drama will play out, but the mood of the public is very negative that at a time of national calamity the politicians are playing a game of chicken.

Assuming he survives this ordeal, Kan must then start to work on delivering on his G8 Summit homework. His still-to-fleshed out energy plan, announced at the OECD, is bold and ambitious, but the target, for example, of doubling reliance on renewable energy by 2020 is seen as admirable as it is unattainable. And whether the Japanese economy – and society – can take another 10 years of austere restrictions on energy – another target – remains to be seen. There is fear in industry that power restrictions and rising costs could drive even more production offshore.

On the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Kan would like Japan to join, but the domestic obstacles to including agriculture among Japan’s concessions remain even more formidable now after the earthquake that destroyed precious farmland in the north. The delay in TPP preparations also has given anti-TPP forces the advantage in their campaign to convince the public that joining would “destroy” Japanese agriculture. The new arrival sections of bookstores are already filling with such propaganda.

It is the herculean task of finally resolving the Futenma base relocation issue that may ultimately make or break Mr. Kan. Committed firmly to implementing the current relocation plan, the central government must now do the kind of heavy lifting in Okinawa that it previously was loathe to do – namely, convince the governor and local officials to allow the base to agree to let the base be moved to another part of Okinawa and not out of the prefecture.

Defense Minister Kitazawa’s meeting last week with Okinawa’s Governor Nakaima went predictably nowhere. Whether the exhausted Kan Cabinet, assuming is survives the June crisis, has the will and the energy to devote to convincing Okinawa to swallow a very bitter pill that is likely to include offers of significant economic measures to affected areas to win them over remains unclear. And frankly, neither the DPJ rebels nor the too long ruling and opposition LDP have proposed better solutions.

Spiteful politics is no way to run a country.

William Brooks

APP Senior Fellow

Mindy Kotler

APP Director

*The five, all Lower House lawmakers, are Shozo Azuma, senior vice minister at the Cabinet Office, Wakio Mitsui, senior vice minister of land, infrastructure, transport and tourism, Katsumasa Suzuki, senior vice minister of internal affairs and communications, Akira Uchiyama, parliamentary secretary of internal affairs and communications, and Takeshi Hidaka, parliament secretary of environment.

EuroAsia Film in DC

EuroAsia Shorts 2011, now in its sixth year, proudly presents a selection of 27 short films from Europe, Asia, and the United States, screened at embassies and cultural centers in Washington D.C. for five nights, June 6 – 10. Each evening allows the local public to experience a cinematic international dialogue through the medium of short films from one European and one Asian country, including many award-winning films making their U.S. premier.

The theme for 2011 is men, women, and the challenges of relating to one another. In both familial and romantic relationships as well as society in general, it is not always easy to connect, communicate, and truly live in happiness and harmony across the sexes. This year’s selection of films explores that universal struggle and the different underlying thought processes of men and women from nine countries.

The final evening on June 10 will include short films from all countries, including the United States. Each screening throughout the week will serve as a springboard for a lively discussion with panelists and audience members following the films.

EuroAsia Shorts is organized by: the Korean Cultural Center, Embassy of the Republic of Korea; Alliance Française de Washington; Japan Information and Culture Center, Embassy of Japan; Istituto Italiano di Cultura (Italian Cultural Institute), Embassy of Italy; Royal Thai Embassy; Goethe-Institut Washington (Germany); Chinatown Community Cultural Center; Embassy of Spain; and the DC Shorts Film Festival.

Free reservations are required to attend. Complete details and reservations at http://www.euroasiashorts.com/.

Kan Isolated as Fractures Grow in DPJ

Prime Minister Naoto Kan’s May 20 decision not to present the second supplementary budget bill to the Diet for earthquake disaster relief and reconstruction may have been a fatal mistake. He wants to delay the bill to an extraordinary Diet session in August. This tactic, however, has upset even members of his own Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) not to mention the LDP-led opposition camp. A no-confidence motion against the Kan Cabinet is becoming increasingly likely, though it would probably take place after the Prime Minister returns from this month's G8 summit in France.

Calls for Kan to resign to take responsibility for allegedly poor handling of the aftermath of the earthquake-tsunami-nuclear plant disasters have grown in the DPJ. According to press reports, Kan allegedly delayed for an hour the emergency cooling of the nuclear reactors at Fukushima with sea water, possibly contributing to a meltdown.

The latest heavyweight to join the chorus of Kan bashers is House of Councillors President Takeo Nishioka, who demanded the immediate resignation of Kan in an article he wrote for the Yomiuri Shimbun May 19. He repeated his demand at a press conference the same day. Nishioka cited Kan's responses to the earthquake and crisis at the Fukushima nuclear power plant. Kan, undisturbed, simply said, "There is no reason at all for me to resign at this time."

But Nishioka's pressure on Kan to step down has grave implications, as the Upper House president has considerable authority over the fate of bills in the divided Diet. Moreover, Nishioka comes from the DPJ, having the left the party as is customary because he must remain neutral in his post. In addition, the DPJ is starting to see junior lawmakers quit the party.

Kan also continues to take a beating in the polls. Jiji Press’ latest opinion survey, released on May 20, found nearly 70% of the public want the Prime Minister to quit immediately or after dealing disaster response measures. Only 24.5% said they want Kan to stay in power. On the government’s response to the earthquake and subsequent nuclear crisis, 71.9% faulted Kan for a lack of leadership, the poll showed. The Kan Cabinet’s support rate stood at 21.9%, up 1.4 points from the previous month. Though rising for three straight months, the approval rating remains deep in the danger zone for an incumbent prime minister. The disapproval rating was 59.5%, down 2.1 points.

Meanwhile, there are signs of a possible future political realignment growing out of fractures in party unity in both the DPJ and LDP. On May 17, two bipartisan Diet member leagues were formed linking anti-Kan forces in the DPJ and forces in the LDP opposed to the presidency of Sadakazu Nakatani. Lawmakers joining the league are mostly junior to mid-level (five terms elected or below). At the first meeting, 87 DPJ and 22 LDP lawmakers or a total of 109 showed up. The league was formed ostensibly to counter the stalemate in the Diet over critical earthquake-recovery legislation, but its true aim seems to be ultimately unseat the president in their respective party. From such a grouping could come a future grand coalition of like-minded forces in both parties preconditioned on Kan’s resignation. In the latest Yomiuri poll, 56% of the respondents supported a grand coalition in order to speed up the recovery of Japan, so the concept is already acceptable to the Japanese electorate.

The same day, a second league was formed by 12 mid-level DPJ members who are loyal to former party secretary general Ichiro Ozawa. Again, the formal reason for the gathering was to promote the reconstruction of earthquake-stricken Japan, but the true aim ultimately is to topple Kan in favor of a party president who is more to Ozawa’s liking.

In the meantime, if the 87 anti-Kan DPJ members were to join a no-confidence motion against Kan fielded by the LDP, it could pass the Lower House. The New Komeito, the LDP’s former coalition partner, has already signaled its support for a possible no-confidence motion. In such a case, Kan would have no choice but to resign. Interestingly, he does not now have the option of dissolving the Lower House for a snap election, a card past prime ministers have used effectively to survive political challenges.

The Supreme Court in March ruled that the 2009 Lower House election was in principle unconstitutional because of the disparity of voting weight favoring rural areas over urban areas. It did not disallow the election results, but ordered a correction of the imbalance. Until a law is passed reducing the rural-urban voting gap, the Prime Minister cannot use that traditional card.

As is common with the intrigues of Japanese politics, the outlook for unseating Kan is unclear. There is already serious talk in both the DPJ and LDP about a small second supplemental budget that could be passed with bipartisan support before the Diet ends June 22. This might defuse the revolt against Kan – and Tanigaki—and allow Kan to introduce a much larger extra budget in late summer.

Still, political instability is likely to continue to grow. When the critical mass will be reached is not easily predictable. As for the impact on U.S.-Japan relations, one might say what is new? But issues that have been repeatedly delayed regarding the Alliance – such as the Futenma base relocation conundrum – will continue to be.

William Brooks
APP Senior Fellow

This analysis appeared in the May 23rd edition of Asia Policy Point's Asia Policy Calendar sent to APP's members every Monday. 

Two months out, the need remains

Immediate relief efforts for Japan's multiple March 11 disasters, now turn toward preparations for years of community rebuilding both temporal and spiritual. Even for a G-7 country like Japan with substantial global investments, critical world-class exports, leading hi-tech patents, and foreign reserves topping $1 trillion this is no small task. Conservative estimates for the reconstruction from the March 11th earthquake are over $300 billion.

There is the realization that Japan will have to face a new normal.

How can you help? Many international relief organizations retain a percentage of the donations meant for Japan (the American Red Cross reportedly retains 9%) and others have only tenuous ties to Japan’s limited civil society service organizations (nonprofits independent of the government were not possible until 1998 and contributions are not tax-deductible).

You will also find that most of the organizations listed below are contributing to the same NGOs and some even serve on each other’s boards. Some of these NGOs, until March 11, were only focused on international relief efforts. Also, if you would like to have your donation tax-deductible, it needs to be donated to a charity or nonprofit registered in the United States and recognized as such by the Internal Revenue Service.

Here is a listing of organizations with non-profit 501(c)(3) status that are popular among giving Washingtonians wanting to help the Japanese people:

Japan American Society of Washington founded in 1957 hosts the largest spring Matsuri outside Japan of which part of this year profits went directly to Japan’s Red Cross. The Society has collected funds at Metro stops and led the drive in Washington to raise funds for Japan relief with its Stand with Japan campaign with the funds going to the American Red Cross. Its fundraising activities continue in many forms.

Japan Commerce Association of Washington founded in 1988 has over 200 local corporate and individual members that are either Japanese businesses or organizations that work closely with Japan. Most of the Association’s members are the Washington offices of Japan’s major corporations and power companies. The Association has created a foundation to receive funds for the Japanese Red Cross and other relief efforts. Please send your tax-deductible checks payable to The JCAW Foundation with “Donation for Earthquake” in the memo line to the Japan Commerce Association of Washington, DC, c/o Japan America Society of Washington, DC, 1819 L Street NW, Level 1B, Washington, DC 20036.

Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA founded in 1992 has partnered with its sister foundation in Tokyo, The Nippon Foundation, to create the CARE FOR JAPAN fund allowing Americans to donate directly to a range of community rebuilding efforts. The Foundation has nearly 50 years of experience working with civil society organizations delivering social and health services to children, the elderly, the disabled, and the dispossessed, especially after Japan’s disasters. 100% of the donations will go to efforts and institutions involved in-long-term community restoration. Recipents are drawn from The Nippon Foundation’s Campan network of over 9,000 NGPs.

For nearly 60 years, the Asia Foundation has collaborated with private and public partners to support leadership and institutional development, exchanges, and policy research in Asia. Through its Give2Asia program, The Foundation established the Japan Earthquake and Tsunami Fund to raise funds for Japanese NGOs delivering relief services to the Tohoku region. 95% of all funds received will go to Japanese NGOs working to help disaster victims. 5% will go to Give2Asia to coordinate with and support these NGOs.

The Japan Center for International Exchange (JCIE) founded in 1970 to promote dialogue and cooperation among leaders from different sectors of society in Japan and around the world. JCIE has been active in encouraging the development of Japan’s civil society sector. JCIE/USA as partnered with JCIE/Japan and the Center for Public Resources Development (CPRD) to launch the Japan NGO Earthquake Relief and Recovery Fund. Half of the funds raised will go directly to the Center for Public Resources Development’s “Give One” initiative, which raises funds for leading Japanese organizations that are working on the ground to provide immediate disaster relief. The remaining 50 percent will be used to establish a separate fund to support Japanese NGOs engaged in long-term reconstruction efforts, which will be critical in the months and years ahead.

The US-Japan Council (USJC) established in 2009 features an advisory board with a US Senator (Inoyue), a Congresswoman (Hirono), five former US ambassadors to Japan, and four former Japanese ambassadors to the US. Its mission is to strengthen US-Japan relations and nurture Japanese-American affinity to Japan. The Council has devoted all its efforts these past two months to its Earthquake Relief Fund to support immediate relief and the long-term rebuilding of the Tohoku region of Japan. 100% of donations will go directly to Japanese NGOs, such as the Japan Platform (JPF) and the Center for Public Resource Development (CPRD), umbrella organizations for over 150 NGOs.

#QuakeBook: 2:46: Aftershocks: Stories from the Japan Earthquake is neither an American nonprofit nor even an entity. It is an innovative fundraising effort to create a book of experiences and impressions documenting the Quake and Tsunami created by using Twitter and other Internet media. All the writing, graphics, and production work has been donated, and Amazon and Sony distribute it free electronically with your $9.95 donation going directly to Japan's Red Cross. The international media has spread the word. Excerpts are in the Japan Times. Hard copy distribution is expected in early June. Contributing to the book are Japanese throughout the quake affected areas as well as Yoko Ono and sci-fi writer William Gibson. The book cover is available as a poster and can be purchased HERE. 100% of all funds raised will go to Japan’s Red Cross.

Busy Monday

GI Film Festival, will be held in Washington, DC, May 8-15th. Focus this year on the Korean War and PTSD. In addition to presenting feature, documentary, and short film screenings, the GIFF also presents awards, panel discussions, educational forums and special events.

Third meeting of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) will be held in Washington, DC, May 9-10, 2011.

FEDERAL RESERVE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY: EMPLOYMENT, CONSUMER PROTECTION, AND THE FUTURE OF FINANCIAL REGULATION. 5/9, 9:00am-12:10pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: New America Foundation. Speakers: Mike Konczal, Roosevelt Institute; Joe Gagnon, Peterson; Dean Baker, Center for Economic and Policy Research; Tim Canova, Chapman University; Travis Plunkett, Consumer Federation of America; Lisa Donner, Americans for Financial Reform; Ed Mierzwinski, US PIRG; Jo Ann Barefoot, Former regulator, Office of the Comptroller of the Currency; Dennis Kelleher, Better Markets; Mike Konczal, Roosevelt Institute.

MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA IN TURMOIL: THE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL OUTLOOK. 5/9, 9:15-10:45am, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Carnegie (CEIP). Speakers: Masood Ahmed, director of the International Monetary Fund's Middle East and Central Asia Department; Michele Dunne, senior associate at the CEIP; Marwan Muasher, vice president of studies at CEIP; and Uri Dadush, senior associate and director of the CEIP's International and Economic Program.

COPYRIGHT AND COMMERCE: GUARANTEES OR PROMISES? 5/9, 10:00am-Noon, breakfast, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Copyright Clearance Center. Speakers: Tim Jacoby, associate counsel at the Washington Post; Marybeth Peters, U.S. register of copyrights; and Jon Baumgarten, intellectual property lawyer, partner in the D.C. office of Proskauer.

THE TRILATERAL PROCESS: WASHINGTON, KIEV, MOSCOW AND THE FATE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN UKRAINE. 5/9, 10:00-11:30, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Brookings Institution. Speakers: Strobe Talbott, president of the Brookings Institution; Pavel Baev, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo; Steven Pifer, senior fellow in foreign policy at the Center on the United States and Europe; Ukrainian Parliament Deputy Borys Tarasyuk, former foreign minister of Ukraine.

TAIWAN AND EVOLVING CROSS STRAIT RELATIONS. 5/9, 10:15am-12:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Sigur Center, Elliott School, GWU. Speakers: Shawn McHale, Director, Sigur Center for Asian Studies; Robert Sutter, Adjunct Professor of International Affairs, GW; Colin Kao, First Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Taiwan; Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Professor of History, Georgetown University; Bruce Dickson, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, GW; Scott Kastner, Associate Professor of International Relations, University of Maryland; Shelley Rigger, Brown Professor of Political Science, Davidson College; Steven Phillips, Director of Asian Studies; Professor of History, Towson University; Edward McCord, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, GW. 

SYRIA AND IRAN: AN ALLIANCE TESTED. 5/9, Noon-1:15pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Wilson Center (WWC). Speaker: Jubin Goodarzi, professor of the International Relations Department at Webster University.

GLOBAL HEU PHASEOUT - PROSPECTS & CHALLENGES. 5/9, Noon-1:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Center for Science, Technology and Security Policy, American Association for the Advancement of Science; Carnegie Corporation of New York; LBJ School of Public Affairs. Speakers: Randall Forsberg, Harvard University; Margaret Sloane, Harvard University. 

U.S.-RUSSIAN RELATIONS: STAGNATION OR MODERNIZATION? 5/9, Noon-3:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Hudson Institute. Speakers: David Satter, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute; Lev Ponomarev, President for Human Rights (Moscow) and a leading Russian human rights activist; Ilan Berman, Vice President, American Foreign Policy Council; Stephen Blank, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S Army War College; David Satter, Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute; Ariel Cohen (moderator), Senior Research Fellow, Heritage Foundation; Ariel Cohen, Senior Research Fellow, Heritage Foundation; Pavel Ivlev, Director, Institute of Modern Russia; Donald Jensen, Senior Fellow, Center for Transatlantic Relations, SAIS Johns Hopkins; William Pomeranz, Deputy Director, Kennan Institute, The Woodrow Wilson Center.

EVOLUTION OF CHINA'S GOVERNANCE: CHINESE AND AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES. 5/9, Noon-5:15pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Brookings Institution's John L. Thornton China Center. Speakers: Stapleton Roy, director of the Kissinger Institute on China and the United States; Yu Keping, director of the China Center for Comparative Politics and Economics at Peking University; Wang Changjiang, professor at the Central Party School; Cheng Li, director of research in the John L. Thornton China Center; Kenneth Lieberthal, director of the John L. Thornton China Center; Mary Gallagher, associate professor at the University of Michigan; Shi Hexing, professor at the Chinese Academy of Governance; Jing Yuejing, professor at Tsinghua University.

THE FUTURE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE: WHAT'S NEXT FOR CONGRESS' THINK TANK? 5/9, 2:00-3:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Advisory Committee on Transparency. Participants: Steve Aftergood, senior research analyst at the Federation of American Scientists; Stan Brand, founder of the Brand Law Group; Robyn Russell, legislative assistant to Rep. Mike Quigley, D-IL.; Nye Stevens, former deputy director of the Government and Finance Division of the Congressional Research Service; and Daniel Schumann, policy counsel and director of the Advisory Committee on Transparency. 

U.S. POLICY INTERESTS IN THE ARCTIC. 5/9, 4:30-6:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: CSIS. Speakers: Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg; Adm. Thad Allen, former commandant of the U.S. Coast Guard; David Reed, senior vice president of the World Wildlife Fund; and Heather Conley, director and senior fellow of the CSIS Europe Program.

LENDING TO THE POOR. 5/9, 6:30-8:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Asia Society Washington Center. Speakers: Alexia Latortue, Deputy CEO, CGAP; Swaminathan Aiyar, Research Fellow at the Cato Institute and Consulting Editor of The Economic Times; Damian von Stauffenberg, Chairman and Founder, Microrate; Sasidhar Thumuluri, Global Business Strategy Manager, International Housing Finance at Habitat for Humanity.