Asia Monday and Tuesday Events, Thanksgiving Week

This is a holiday week in Washington. But it will be a busy one of self-promotion and disappointment. Below are events taking place Monday and Tuesday.

REBUILDING THE GLOBAL ECONOMY: ROLE OF THE FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM. 11/23, 9:00am (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsor: PIIE. Speakers: Stanley Fischer, Federal Reserve Chair; Anna Gelpern, Federal Reserve Vice Chair for Supervision; David Wilcox, Federal Reserve Vice Chair for Economic and Monetary Affairs.

ACCORDING TO SHAKESPEARE, “EVERY CLOUD ENGENDERS NOT A STORM.” 11/23, 10:30am-Noon (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsors: World Wide Web Foundation; Internet Society; Digital Trade and Data Governance Hub; George Washington University. Speakers: Trey Herr, Director, Cyber Statecraft Initiative, Atlantic Council; Josephine Wolff, Assistant Professor, Cybersecurity Policy, Tufts University; Chelsea J. Smethurst, Senior Security Strategy, Cybersecurity Strategy, Microsoft. Moderator: Costis Toregas, Director, Cyber Security and Privacy Research Institute, George Washington.

TRADE POLICY DISCUSSION WITH CONGRESSMAN JIMMY PANETTA (D-CA). 11/23, 2:00-2:45pm (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsor: Washington International Trade Association. Speaker: Jimmy Panetta (D-CA), Member, House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee.

A CONVERSATION WITH AFSOC COMMANDER LT. GEN. JIM SLIFE. 11/23, 2:30-3:30pm (EST), event recorded on 11/18, ONLINE EVENT. Sponsor: CSIS. Speakers: Lieutenant General James C. "Jim" Slife, Commander, Air Force Special Operations Command. Moderator: Seth G. Jones, Harold Brown Chair; Director, Transnational Threats Project; and Senior Adviser, International Security Program. 

RULING THE SAVAGE PERIPHERY: FRONTIER GOVERNANCE AND THE MAKING OF THE MODERN STATE. 11/23, 4:00–5:30pm (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsors: History and Public Policy Program, Wilson Center; Asia Program, Wilson Center. Speakers: Author, Benjamin Hopkins, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, GWU; Elisabeth Leake, Associate Professor of International History, University of Leeds; Benjamin H. Johnson, Professor, History Department and School of Environmental Sustainability, Loyola University Chicago. Moderators: Christian F. Ostermann, Director, History and Public Policy Program, Wilson Center; Eric Arnesen, Professor of History, GWU. PURCHASE BOOK

WHAT AWAITS THE U.S.-JAPAN ALLIANCE UNDER NEW LEADERSHIP? 11/24, 8:00-9:00am (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsor: Stimson Center. Speaker: Hon. Nobukatsu Kanehara, Former Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary. 

BIG TECH COMPANIES IN CHINESE FINANCE. 11/24, 8:30-9:30am (EST), VIRTUAL EVENT. Sponsor: PIIE. Speakers: Huang Yiping, Professor of Economics, National School of Development at Peking University; Martin Chorzempa, PIIE Research Fellow. Moderator: Nicolas Véron, Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE).

SOUTH KOREA AND THE UNITED STATES, FUTURE AND VISION OF THE ALLIANCE. 11/24, 9:00-10:30am (EST), ONLINE SEMINAR. Sponsor: East Asia Institute. Speakers: Patrick M. Cronin, Asia-Pacific Security Chair, Hudson Institute; Scott A. Snyder, Senior Fellow, Korea Studies, Director of Program on US-Korea Policy, Council on Foreign Relations; Sang Hyun Lee, Senior Research Fellow, Sejong Institute. Moderator: Chaesung Chun, Chair, National Security Research Center, EAI, Professor, Seoul University. 

THE BIDEN PRESIDENCY AND THE FUTURE OF AMERICA’S ‘FOREVER WARS’. 11/24, 1:00-2:15pm (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsors: Brookings Institution and Charles Koch Institute. Speakers: Madiha Afzal, David M. Rubenstein Fellow, Center for Middle East Policy; Vanda Felbab-Brown, Director of Initiative on Nonstate Armed Actors, Center for Security, Strategy, and Technology; Christopher Preble, Co-Director, New American Engagement Initiative, Atlantic Council; Justin Logan, Director of Programs and Research Fellow, Center for the Study of Statesmanship, Catholic University of America. Moderator: Michael E. O’Hanlon, Director of Research, Center for Security, Strategy, and Technology. 

"ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” IN HONG KONG IS DEAD: DEBATE. 11/24, 9:00-10:15am (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsor: CSIS. Speakers: Regina Ip, Legislator and Member of Hong Kong’s Executive Council; Daniel Russel, Vice President, International Security and Diplomacy, Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI). 

ADVANCING US-VIETNAM COOPERATION IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA. 11/24, 10:00pm (EST), WEBINAR. Sponsor: Pacific Forum. Speakers: Trang Pham Ngoc Minh, Vietnam National University, Ho Chi Minh City; Alexander Vuving, Professor, Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies. 

RELIGION AND NATIONALISM: CHINA. 11/24, 3:00-4:00pm (EST), ZOOM WEBINAR. Sponsor: Georgetown University's Initiative for U.S.-China Dialogue on Global Issues and its Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs. Speaker: Mayfair Yang, professor of religious studies and East Asian languages and cultural studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. 

THE 2020 INNER MONGOLIA LANGUAGE PROTESTS: WIDER MEANINGS FOR CHINA AND THE REGION. 11/24, 3:00-4.00pm (GMT), WEBINAR. Sponsor: Chatham House. Speakers: Christopher P. Atwood, Professor, Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Pennsylvania; Eva Pils, Professor of Law, The Dickson Poon School of Law, King’s College London; Uradyn E. Bulag, Reader in Social Anthropology, University of Cambridge; Kerry Brown, Associate Fellow, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham House.

Monday in Washington, June 24, 2019

BREAKFAST ROUNDTABLE WITH AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE IN MONGOLIA AND HIS EXCELLENCYOTGONBAYAN YONDON MONGOLIAN AMBASSADOR TO THE U.S. 8/24, 8:30-9:30am. Sponsor: AmCham Mongolia. Speaker: Jackson Cox, CEO, Woodmont International.

A CONVERSATION WITH PAKISTAN’S AMBASSADOR ASAD MAJEED KHAN. 6/24, 10:00-11:30am. Sponsor: Carnegie. Speaker: Asad Majeed Khan, Ambassador to the United States, Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Moderator: George Perkovich, Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Chair, Vice President for Studies, Technology and International Affairs Program, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie. 


JAM V. IFC: THE END OF ABSOLUTE IMMUNITY FOR INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS? 6/24, Reception, 5:30-7:00pm. Sponsors: Washington Foreign Law Society; American Society of International Law (ASIL). Speakers: John B. Bellinger, III, Head of Arnold & Porter’s Global Law and Public Policy practice, Former Legal Adviser, Department of State; Michael Matheson, Professor of Foreign Relations Law, GWU Law School, Former member, U.N. International Law Commission (invited); Ethiopis Tafara, Vice President and General Counsel, International Finance Corporation; Moderator: Antonia Tzinova, President, Washington Foreign Law Society, Partner, Holland & Knight. Fee

ROK-U.S. STRATEGIC FORUM 2019. 6/24, 11:30am-6:30pm. Sponsor: Korea Foundation, Korea Chair, CSIS. Speakers: Ambassador Richard Armitage, President, Armitage International; Ambassador Lee Sihyung, President, The Korea Foundation; Congressman Ami Bera (D-CA), Chairman, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, House Foreign Affairs Committee, Co-Chair of Congressional Study Group on Korea; Ms. Joy Yamamoto, Director, Office of Korean Affairs, U.S. Department of State; Dr. Joon Hyung Kim, Professor, Handong Global University; Dr. Sang Hyun Lee, Senior Research Fellow, Sejong Institute; Ambassador Joseph Yun, Senior Advisor to the Asia Center, United States Institute of Peace; Former Special Representative for North Korea Policy and Deputy Assistant Secretary for Korea and Japan, U.S. Department of State; Dr. Haksoon Paik, President, Sejong Institute; Dr. Ramon Pacheco Pardo, KF-VUB Korea Chair, Institute for European Studies (IES-VUB); Reader (Associate Professor) in International Relations, King's College London; Dr. Jiyoung Park, Director and Senior Fellow, Center fgor Science and Technology Policy, Asan Institute for Policy Studies; Dr. Kurt Campbell, Chairman and CEO, The Asia Group; Former Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State; Dr. Thomas Christensen, Professor of International and Public Affairs and Director of the China and the World Program, Columbia University: Dr. Jae-ho Chung, Professor of International Relations, Director of the Program on US-China Relations, Seoul National University; Dr. Sangjoon Kim, Professor of Political Science, Yonsei University; Victor Cha, Senior Adviser and Korea Chair; Mark Lippert, Senior Advisor (Non-resident), Korea Chair; Sue Mi Terry, Senior Fellow, Korea Chair.

CLOSING THE GENDER GAP IN ARMS CONTROL, NONPROLIFERATION, AND DISARMAMENT. 6/24, 2:00-3:30pm. Sponsor: Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie Endowment. Speakers: Author, Renata Dwan, Still Behind the Curve, Director, Institute for Disarmament Research, United Nations; Laura Holgate, Vice President for materials risk management, NTI, Director, Gender Champions in Nuclear Policy; Moderator: James M. Acton, Jessica T. Mathews Chair, Co-director, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie.

A Revival of the Mongolian-Russian Friendship?

By way of balancing China

By: Alicia J. Campi
Originally published in the Eurasia Daily Monitor, Volume: 13 Issue: 135
July 26, 2016 of the The Jamestown Foundation

On the eve of Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev’s visit to Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, for the 11th Annual Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) summit (July 15–16), an article appeared in the Russian media entitled, “ ‘An Old Friend is Worth Two New’: It’s time for Russia to turn towards… Mongolia” (Fort-russ.com, July 9). The piece examined the weakened state of Russian-Mongolian relations in the post-Communist era and called for Russia to return to its position of influence in a country once firmly tied to the Soviet sphere and often called the Soviet Union’s 16th republic.

In 2016, already there have been signs that the Russian government is moving in this direction: in February, Moscow decided to grant Mongolia $1.3 billion in new loans to import Russian fuel (The UB Post, February 5); in March, the Russian Federation wrote off Mongolia’s $174 million debt after a one-off payment of $3.8 million (The UB Post, March 2); on June 23, Mongolian President Tsakhia Elbegdorj’s “Economic Corridor” initiative was finalized at the Russian-Mongolian-Chinese trilateral meeting on the sideline of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tashkent (Mongol Messenger, June 24); and on June 28, Russian-owned shares in the Erdenet copper mine and mining firm Mongolrostsvetment were suddenly mysteriously sold off to a newly formed Mongolian company (Mongol Messenger, July 1). Such warming trends in Mongolian-Russian relations are likely to accelerate, particularly following the June 29 election of a new Mongolian government, which saw the return to power of the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP)—a political faction with socialist-era roots as the country’s Soviet-supported Communist party.

Earlier this year, Mongolia asked the Russian Federation for $1.3 billion in loans over a 36-month period to meet its domestic fuel demands, especially in the mining industry. This deal would finance the purchase of 1.3 million tons of fuel annually and decrease domestic price fluctuations for retail fuel, while stabilizing prices for staple goods and resolving pressure on Mongolia’s foreign currency reserves. In June, the Russian VTB Bank, supported by the Russian Agency for Export Credit and Investment Insurance (EXIAR), issued the first $65.4 million of a $300 million line of credit to the Development Bank of Mongolia (DBM), under governmental guarantees of Mongolia’s Ministry of Finance (Mongol Messenger, July 1).

Mongolia’s outstanding $174 million debt to Russia—which has now been forgiven—had been an impediment to deeper investment cooperation in Mongolia’s construction and mineral production markets. A 2010 deal between Moscow and Ulaanbaatar took six years for the Russian legislature to approve (Sputnik News, January 31, 2016). Another looming problem since 2009 involved the terms of an intergovernmental agreement for rail transportation of Mongolian exports via Russia (Mongol Messenger, June 24, 2016). The draft was finalized by the outgoing Mongolian cabinet and signed by Russian and Mongolian officials at the Tashkent Summit as part of the trilateral Russian-Chinese-Mongolian “Economic Corridor” program.

The economic integration of the major infrastructure projects in Northeast Asia—Mongolia’s Steppe Road, China’s One Belt and One Road Initiative, and Russia’s trans-Eurasian transit corridor—is considered by Ulaanbaatar to be the first concrete outcome of the past three years of tripartite talks. After 17 working group meetings, a total of 32 selected projects were divided into 13 categories: railway infrastructure, the AN-3 Asian auto road network and eastern auto road, airlines, industry, energy, the renovation of border checkpoints, trade, specialized customs inspections and quarantine measures, environmental protection and ecology, scientific and technical partnerships, humanitarian cooperation, agriculture, and medicine. Although funding must still be clarified, the three sides agreed to establish a co-financed Investment and Projecting Center. Further studies will also be conducted regarding the construction of a Moscow–Beijing high-speed railway line through Mongolia; establishing an economic zone through Heilongjiang, Russia, Mongolia and Inner Mongolia; and renovating the Russo-Mongol electrical network. All these projects are designed to deepen trilateral economic cooperation and regional economic integration, increase trade flows, maintain trade competitiveness, as well as enhance trans-border transportation. This plan will also establish trans-border ecological corridors to enhance tourism, including a “Triangle of Great Lakes” involving Mongolia’s Khuvsgul Lake, Russia’s Baikal Lake and China’s Hulun Lake, and create a “Great Tea Road” tourism brand (Mongol Messenger, July 1).

The day before Mongolia’s election, then–prime minister Chimed Saikhanbileg announced that Russian Rostec had sold its 49 percent share in the Mongolrostsvetment and Erdenet joint ventures. The latter is a giant ore mining/processing site that produces 530,000 tons of copper concentrate and 4,500 tons of molybdenum concentrate per year. The sale, estimated at $500 million, was to Mongolian Copper (Mongoliin Zes), a new private company funded by Mongolia’s Trade and Development Bank (TDB). Because the details were not released, the sale was immediately decried by the MPP as evidence of governing party corruption and an issue of national security. Some independent Mongolian economic analysts, such as Dugar Jargalsaikhan (a.k.a. Jargal de Facto), opined that the non-transparent transaction was repudiated by the Mongolian people and may have provoked the MPP’s unexpected landslide victory. It was claimed that the address of record for the purchasing corporation was the same as for Bloomberg TV News Mongolia, which is a partnership between BloombergMedia Group and TDB (Mongolianbusinessdatabase.com, July 13). Purportedly, despite the strong opposition of some in the Russian foreign ministry, President Vladimir Putin himself was persuaded to allow the deal to go forward (Ocnus.net, July 14).

This sale could also have been part of a Russian maneuver to compensate Mongolia after Moscow (in June) successfully pressured China to withhold Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) funding for Mongolia to construct the Egiin Goliin Hydropower Plant. Russians believe this dam would threaten Lake Baikal, 580 kilometers downstream. At the Tashkent Summit, President Putin said the proposed hydroelectric plant would create “serious risks” to the water supply in the Irkutsk region, but he proposed “increasing the supply of energy” to Mongolia, which annually relies on $25 million worth of electricity imports from Russia (Bloomberg, July 11).

New Mongolian Prime Minister Jargaltulga Erdenebat, a former finance minister and governor, met, on July 15, with Medvedev on the sidelines of the ASEM summit to discuss boosting the Mongolian-Russian strategic partnership in the medium term (Montsame.mn, July 16). The new government and parliament, solidly in MPP hands, will likely try to shift the ownership of Erdenet to a different entity, one not closely connected with the former ruling coalition, as well as seek other international funding options for the Egiin Goliin Hydropower Plant. However, the MPP, known for its pro-Russian leanings, will certainly welcome a more active Moscow as a partner in the Mongolian-Russian-Chinese trilateral format and in a revived bilateral relationship.

Prime Minister of Japan’s Schedule May 18-24, 2015

Monday, May 18, 2015

AM
08:00 At private residence (no visitors)
09:41 Depart from private residence
09:54 Arrive at official residence
10:07 Meet with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Seko Hiroshige
10:38 End meeting with Mr. Seko
11:53 Depart from office
11:55 Arrive at Diet
11:56 Enter Upper House President’s Reception Room
11:57 Leave Upper House President’s Reception Room, enter Upper House Chamber

PM
12:01 Plenary session of the Upper House begins
01:08 Plenary session of the Upper House adjourns
01:09 Leave Upper House Chamber
01:10 Depart from Diet
01:12 Arrive at office
01:32 Interview with monthly journal Seiron
02:12 Interview ends
02:19 Receive a courtesy call from Japanese Co-Chairman Kazuo Tsukuda, Acting EU Co-Chairman Danny Risberg, and other members of the EU-Japan Business Round Table
02:31 Courtesy call ends
02:45 Meet with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Aso Taro, Ministry of Finance’s Director-General of Budget Bureau Tanaka Kazuho, and Ministry of Finance’s Director-General of the Financial Bureau Nakahara Hiroshi
03:24 End meeting with Mr. Aso, Mr. Tanaka, and Mr. Nakahara
03:25 Meet with Minister of State for Economic and Fiscal Policy Amari Akira, Vice-Minister of Cabinet Office Matsuyama Kenji, Cabinet Office Director-General for Policies on Cohesive Society Maekawa Mamoru, Cabinet Office Director-General for Policies on Cohesive Society Habuka Shigeki, Cabinet Office’s Director-General for Policies on Cohesive Society Tawa Hiroshi
03:40 End meeting with Mr. Amari, Mr. Matsuyama, Mr. Maekawa, Mr. Habuka, and Mr. Tawa
03:47 National Security Council meeting
03:56 Meeting ends
03:57 Meet with Director of National Security Council (NSC) Yachi Shotaro, Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru, MOFA’s Director-General of Foreign Policy Bureau Hiramatsu Kenji, Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director-General of Bureau of Defense Policy Kuroe Tetsuro, Chief of Staff for Joint Staff Council Kawano Katsutoshi
04:20 End meeting with Mr. Yachi, Mr. Kitamura, Mr. Hiramatsu, Mr. Kuroe, and Mr. Kawano
04:32 The fourth meeting of the Council for the Protection of Information
04:57 Depart from office
04:58 Arrive at Diet
04:59 Enter LDP President’s Office
05:00 LDP Officers Meeting
05:25 Meeting ends
05:35 Leave LDP President’s Office
05:36 Depart from Diet
05:38 Arrive at office
05:39 Meet with President of the Party for Future Generations Hiranuma Takeo, Secretary-General of the Party for Future Generations Matsuzawa Shigefumi, and others
05:56 End meeting with Mr. Hiranuma, Mr. Matsuzawa, and others
06:04 Film video message for universities
06:07 Finish filming
06:32 Depart from office
06:43 Arrive at the Headquarters Building of Yomiuri Shimbun in Otemachi-cho, Tokyo. Dinner meeting with Chairman of Yomiuri Group, Inc. Watanabe Tsuneo, Yomiuri Shimbun’s Special editorial board member Hashimoto Goro, Chairman of Sankei Shimbun Kiyohara Takehiko, Nikkei Shimbun’s Chief Editorial Writer Serikawa Yoichi, President of NHK Enterprises, INC. Imai Tamaki, and Commentor Yayama Taro
09:22 Depart from Yomiuri Shimbun
09:37 Arrive at private residence

Tuesday, May 19, 2015

AM
12:00 At private residence (no visitors)
08:00 At private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo (no morning visitors)
08:07 Depart from private residence
08:20 Arrive at office
08:28 Cabinet meeting
08:41 Cabinet meeting ends
09:50 Film video message for American groups
09:57 Finish filming
10:06 Meet with Chairman of LDP General Council Nikai Toshihiro and LDP Lower House member Hayashi Moto
10:33 End meeting with Mr. Nikai and Mr. Hayashi
10:34 Meet with Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Saiki Akitaka, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA)’s Director-General of Middle Eastern and African Affairs Bureau Uemura Tsukasa, MOFA’s Director-General of Intelligence and Analysis Service Oka Hiroshi
11:03 End meeting with Mr. Saiki, Mr. Uemura, and Mr. Oka
11:05 Director of National Security Council (NSC) Yachi Shotaro, Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru, and Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director of Defense Intelligence Headquarters Miyagawa Tadashi enter
11:14 Mr. Yachi and Mr. Miyagawa leave
11:31 Mr. Kitamura leaves
11:32 Meet with Chairman of Young Diet Members’ Association for Promoting Japan-Taiwan Economic and Cultural Exchange Kishi Nobuo, and the Association’s Secretary-General Hagiuda Koichi
11:54 End meeting with Mr. Kishi and Mr. Hagiuda
11:55 Meet with LDP Lower House member Kawai Katsuyuki 

PM
12:04 End meeting with Mr. Kawai
12:54 Depart from office
12:55 Arrive at Diet
12:57 Enter Lower House Chamber
12:59 Speak with Senior Vice-Minister of Defense Sato Akira
01:00 Finish speaking with Mr. Sato
01:02 Plenary session of the Lower House begins
01:04 Leave in the middle of the plenary session of the Lower House
01:05 Depart from Diet
01:07 Arrive at office
01:35 Meet with MOFA’s Director-General of Foreign Policy Bureau Hiramatsu Kenji, Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director-General of Bureau of Defense Policy Kuroe Tetsuro
02:13 End meeting with Mr. Hiramatsu and Mr. Kuroe
05:18 The 6th meeting in 2015 of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy
06:19 Meeting ends
06:23 Reception for Prime Minister of the Republic of Fiji Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama. Commemoration Photograph Session. Attend a ceremony by the guard of honor
06:30 Ceremony ends
06:32 Japan-Fiji Summit Meeting with Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama
07:31 Summit meeting ends
07:33 Joint press announcement. Exchange uniforms with Rugby representatives
06:41 Depart from office
06:43 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting hosted by Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and wife Akie
08:52 Send off Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama
08:53 Finishing send-off

Wednesday, May 20, 2015

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
08:00 At official residence (no morning visitors)
09:40 Depart from official residence
09:42 Arrive at office
09:43 Interview open to all media: when asked his comments on surpassing the tenure of his grandfather and former Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke, Prime Minister Abe says, “I have a long way to go. What is important is not the number of days in office but what I have achieved. I will devote myself to tackling our policies.”
09:44 Interview ends

PM
02:54 Depart from office
02:55 Arrive at Diet
02:58 Enter Lower House Committee Room No. 1
03:00 Party Leaders’ Debate
03:49 Party Leaders’ Debate ends
03:51 Leave Lower House Committee Room No. 1
03:53 Depart from Diet
03:54 Arrive at Diet
03:56 Minister of Finance Aso Taro, MOF’s Deputy Vice-Minister Fukuda Junichi, and Ministry of Finance (MOF)’s Director-General of Budget Bureau Tanaka Kazuho
04:46 Mr. Fukuda and Mr. Tanaka leave
05:00 Mr. Aso leaves
05:01 Meet with Mayor of Nagoto City, Yamaguchi Prefecture Onishi Kurao
05:05 End meeting with Mr. Onishi
05:06 Meet with Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru
05:55 Reception for President of Mongolia Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj. Commemoration Photograph Session
05:56 Attend a ceremony by the guard of honor
06:02 Ceremony ends
06:04 Japan-Mongolia Summit Meeting with President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj
06:43 Summit meeting ends
06:46 Joint Press Conference
06:55 Joint Press Conference ends
06:56 Depart from office
06:57 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting hosted by Prime Minister Abe Shinzo
08:10 Send off President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj
08:11 Finishing send-off

Thursday, May 21, 2015

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
08:00 At official residence (no morning visitors)
09:45 Depart from official residence
09:47 Arrive at office
10:00 Meet with Special Advisor to the Prime Minister Kimura Taro
10:07 End meeting with Mr. Kimura
10:09 Meet with Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru
10:19 End meeting with Mr. Kitamura
11:03 Depart from office
11:13 Arrive at Hotel New Otani in Kioi-cho, Tokyo. Host a luncheon for Prime Minister of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea Peter O'Neill and other guests in banquet hall Ho-Oh-No-Ma.

PM
12:40 Receive a courtesy call from Chairman of the State Duma Sergey Naryshkin
12:55 Courtsey call ends
01:04 Depart from hotel
01:10 Arrive at office
01:34 Meet with Minister of the Environment Mochizuki Yoshio
01:55 End meeting with Mr. Mochizuki
01:56 Meet with LDP Secretary-General Tanigaki Sadakazu
02:29 End meeting with Mr. Tanigaki
04:17 Meet with Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) Shimomura Hakubun, Vice-Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Yamanaka Shinichi, MEXT’s Director-General of Sports and Youth Bureau Kubo Kimito
04:37 End meeting with Mr. Shimomura, Mr. Yamanaka, and Mr. Kubo
05:20 Meet with Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs (MOFA) Saiki Akitaka, Administrative Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Nagamine Yasumasa, MOFA’s Director-General of European Affairs Bureau Hayashi Hajime, MOFA’s Director-General of Economic Affairs Bureau Saiki Naoko
05:55 End meeting with Mr. Saiki, Mr. Nagamine, Mr. Hayashi, and Ms. Saiki
05:58 Depart from office
06:03 Arrive at Imperial Hotel in Uchisaiwai-cho, Tokyo.
06:13 Receive a courtesy call from Deputy Prime Minister of Kingdom of Thailand Pridiyathorn Devakula in the banquet hall Chidori
06:21 Courtesy call ends
06:26 Receive a courtesy call from Deputy Prime Minister, Socialist Republic of Vietnam Vu Van Ninh
06:41 Courtesy call ends
06:47 Receive a courtesy call from Vice President of Indonesia Jusuf Kalla
06:57 Courtesy call ends
07:05 Attend the banquet of the 21st International Conference on the Future of Asia held in Tokyo, delivered a speech, exchange views with attendants
08:47 Finishing attending the banquet
08:49 Depart from the hotel
08:56 Arrive at Palace Hotel Tokyo. Attend a social gathering of Columbia University Business School personnel, alumni, and others
09:58 Depart from the hotel
10:14 Arrive at private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo

Prime Minister of Japan’s Schedule February 23-March 1, 2015

Monday, February 23, 2015


AM
12:00 At private residence (no visitors)
08:00 At private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo (no morning visitors)
08:12 Depart from private residence
08:26 Arrive at office
08:52 Depart from office
08:54 Arrive at Diet
08:55 Enter Lower House 1st Committee Members’ Room
08:58 Speak with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Aso Taro
08:59 Finish speaking with Mr. Aso
09:01 Lower House Budget Committee opens

PM
12:04 Lower House Budget Committee recess. Leave room
12:06 Depart from Diet
12:08 Arrive at office
12:52 Depart from office
12:54 Arrive at Diet
12:56 Enter Lower House 1st Committee Members’ Room
12:57 Speak with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Mr. Aso
12:59 Finish speaking with Mr. Aso
01:00 Lower House Budget Committee reopens
05:00 Lower House Budget Committee adjourns
05:01 Leave room
05:03 Depart from Diet
05:04 Arrive at office
05:10 Meet with Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Nishikawa Koya, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Suga Yoshihide
05:25 End meeting with Mr. Nishikawa and Mr. Suga
05:35 Meet with former Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Hayashi Yoshimasa
05:50 End meeting with Mr. Hayashi
05:51 Interview open to all media: When asked “What is your reaction to State Minister Nishikawa’s resignation?” Mr. Abe answers “Since the responsibility of appointing the post is my own, I wish to humbly apologize to the people of Japan. Under the leadership of the new Minister Mr. Hayashi, the aim is to double the income of rural areas and we’ll work hard to achieve this goal.”
05:54 Interview ends
06:00 Depart from office
06:08 Arrive at Imperial Palace. Secret report to the Emperor. State Minister attestation ceremony for Mr. Hayashi
06:46 Depart from Imperial Palace
06:52 Arrive at office
07:02 Give Mr. Hayashi a letter of assignment as the new Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. Commemorative photo session
07:04 Photo session ends
07:10 Depart from office
07:12 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting with LDP Vice-President Komura Masahiko, LDP Secretary-General Tanigaki Sadakazu, Chairman of LDP General Council Nikai Toshihiro, and Chairperson of LDP Policy Research Council Inada Tomomi
08:51 Everyone leaves

Tuesday, February 24, 2015

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
08:00 At official residence (no morning visitors)
08:22 Depart from official residence
08:23 Arrive at office
08:28 Cabinet Meeting begins
08:38 Cabinet Meeting ends
09:47 Depart from office
09:56 Arrive at hotel Grand Hyatt Tokyo in Roppongi, Tokyo. Attend CLSA Japan Forum 2015 in banquet hall Coriander. Deliver speech [Credit Lyonnais Securities Asia]
10:10 Depart from hotel
10:19 Arrive at office
11:19 Speak with LDP Upper House member Yamamoto Ichita
11:29 Finish speaking with Mr. Yamamoto
11:30 Meet with Minister of Defense Nakatani Gen, Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director-General of Bureau of Operational Policy Miyama Nobuaki, Chief of Staff for Joint Staff Council Kawano Katsutoshi, and Chief of Staff of Ground Self-Defense Force Iwata Kiyofumi
11:59 End meeting with Mr. Nakatani, Mr. Miyama, Mr. Kawano, and Mr. Iwata

PM
12:16 Depart from office
12:17 Arrive at Diet
12:19 Enter LDP Secretary-General’s Conference Room. Endorse candidates for Shizuoka City and Hiroshima City mayoral elections. Commemorative photo session
12:22 Leave room
12:24 Depart from Diet
12:25 Arrive at office
03:31 Meet with incoming Justice of Supreme Court Otani Naoto and outgoing Justice Shiraki Yu
03:50 End meeting with Mr. Otani and Mr. Shiraki
03:52 Depart from office
03:54 Arrive at Diet
03:55 Enter Lower House Plenary Meeting Hall
03:56 Speak with LDP Executive Acting Secretary-General Hosoda Hiroyuki
03:58 Finish speaking with Mr. Hosoda
03:59 Speak with Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Shimomura Hakubun
04:00 Finish speaking with Mr. Shimomura
04:02 Lower House Plenary Session opens
04:11 Lower House Plenary Session adjourns
04:13 Depart from Diet
04:15 Arrive at office
04:20 Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru and National Police Agency (NPA)’s Director-General of Security Bureau Takahashi Kiyotaka enter
04:30 Mr. Takahashi leaves. Director of Cabinet Satellite Intelligence Center Shimohira Koji joins
04:36 Mr. Shimohira leaves
04:50 Mr. Kitamura leaves
05:00 Receive courtesy call from Board Chairman of the Shimonoseki Fuku Federation Matsumura Hisashi and Mayor of Shimonoseki City (Yamaguchi Prefecture) Nakao Tomiaki, and colleagues
05:11 Finish speaking with Mr. Matsumura and Mr. Nakao
05:12 Speak with Minister of Internal Affairs and Communications Takaichi Sanae
05:24 Finish speaking with Ms. Takaichi
06:18 Receive courtesy call from Chairman of the State Great Hural of the Mongolian Parliament Zandaakhuu Enkhbold
06:36 Courtesy call ends
06:37 Depart from office
06:38 Arrive at official residence

Wednesday, February 25, 2015

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
07:48 Depart from official residence
07:49 Arrive at office
07:50 Meet with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Kato Katsunobu
08:13 End meeting with Mr. Kato
08:52 Depart from office
08:53 Arrive at Diet
08:55 Enter Lower House 1st Committee Members’ Room
09:00 Lower House Budget Committee opens

PM
12:02 Lower House Budget Committee recess
12:03 Leave room
12:05 Depart from Diet
12:06 Arrive at office
12:54 Depart from office
12:55 Arrive at Diet
12:57 Enter Lower House 1st Committee Members’ Room
01:00 Lower House Budget Committee reopens
02:00 Leave seat during Lower House Budget Committee proceedings
02:03 Depart from Diet
02:05 Arrive at office
02:33 Meet with President of American think tank Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Richard Haas
02:52 End meeting with Mr. Haas
03:00 Interview with Mainichi Shimbun
03:33 Interview ends
04:09 Meet with LDP Secretary-General Tanigaki Sadakazu
04:43 End meeting with Mr. Tanigaki
05:30 Attend the first meeting of the Advisory Panel on the History of the 20th Century and on Japan’s Role and the World Order in the 21st Century
06:24 Meeting ends
06:27 Depart from office
06:28 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting with relevant State Ministers. Chief Cabinet Secretary Suga Yoshihide and others also attend
08:01 Depart from official residence
08:18 Arrive at private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo

Thursday, February 26, 2015

AM
12:00 At private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo (no visitors)
08:00 At private residence (no morning visitors)
09:32 Depart from private residence
09:48 Arrive at office
10:22 Meet with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Kato Katsunobu
10:42 End meeting with Mr. Kato
10:43 Meet with Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Saiki Akitaka
11:18 End meeting with Mr. Saiki
11:47 Receive courtesy call from Miura Peninsula Dairy Farmers Cooperative Union
11:57 Courtesy call ends

PM
12:54 Depart from office
12:55 Arrive at Diet
12:57 Enter Lower House Plenary Meeting Hall
01:00 Speak with Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Shimomura Hakubun
01:01 Finish speaking with Mr. Shimomura
01:02 Lower House Plenary Session opens
02:41 Leave seat during Lower House Plenary Session proceedings
02:42 Depart from Diet
02:44 Arrive at office
04:43 Film video message regarding the Great East Japan Earthquake
05:04 Finish filming
05:05 Meet with Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Saiki Akitaka and Director-General of Economic Affairs Bureau Saiki Naoko
05:29 End meeting with Mr. Saiki and Ms. Saiki
05:31 Attend National Security Council (NSC) Meeting. Chairperson of National Public Safety Commission Yamatani Eriko also attends
06:15 NSC Meeting ends
06:22 Meet with Japanese ambassador in Brazil Umeda Kunio and other attendees to Meeting of Ambassadors to South and Central America
06:42 End meeting with Mr. Umeda and others
06:44 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting with Chairman of Upper House Budget Committee Kishi Koichi and other ruling party Directors of Upper House Budget Committee. Chief Cabinet Secretary Suga Yoshihide and Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Seko Hiroshige also attend
07:54 Everyone leaves

Mongolia & The Koreas

A Potential Breakthrough in Mongolia’s Relations With North and South Korea

By: Mendee Jargalsaikhany
First published by the Jamestown Foundation's Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 12 Issue: 38
March 2, 2015

Mongolia takes a resolutely middle road when it comes to North and South Korea. It values its long-standing relations with the North while developing its newly-declared strategic partnership with the South. Due to its geographic location, wedged between Russia and China, Mongolia is often considered a “regionless” state. Therefore, engaging the two Koreas is particularly important for Mongolia as it attempts to integrate itself into Northeast Asia as well as expand its foreign economic and cultural interactions beyond China. Until now, the two Koreas have been hesitant about engaging in trilateral engagements with Mongolia, while the other major powers have, heretofore, paid little attention to Ulaanbaatar’s constructive engagements with Seoul and Pyongyang. However, the series of diplomatic initiatives that transpired over the past year suggest that the members to the Six Party Talks on de-nuclearizing North Korea—the United States, China, Russia, Japan, and North and South Korea—are changing their attitude toward Mongolia’s efforts. Meanwhile, both the Republic of Korea (ROK—South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK—North Korea) are evidently beginning to seek increasing economic opportunities in and with Mongolia.

In 2014, key international players began to publicly commend Mongolia’s sustained diplomacy, which does not isolate North Korea. Notably, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe recognized Mongolia’s role in facilitating and hosting several meetings between Japan and the DPRK, especially for talks on the issue of North Korea’s abductions of Japanese citizens (Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, September 24, 2014). Mongolia hosted three rounds of meeting between Japan and North Korea in 2007–2012, and a secret meeting between the abductees and their Japanese relatives in March 2014 (Japan Times, March 26, 2014). Even though Mongolia’s diplomatic efforts seemed to attract little to no attention from the United States, they have been well received in the Japanese media.

It should also be noted that last year, Mongolia organized the so-called Ulaanbaatar Dialogue, involving all Northeast Asian states. The Ulaanbaatar Dialogue’s track II format includes a city mayors’ forum, women parliamentarian meetings, and a numerous sporting activities; and North Korea actively participated in all of these programs. Chinese President Xi Jinping has repeatedly expressed his support for the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue initiative during his August 2014 visit to the Mongolian capital, as well as during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Dushanbe, last September (Ikon, 22 August 2014; Dushanbe SCO Summit Press Release, September 12, 2014).

South Korean and Russian attitudes toward Mongolia’s regional role are also changing. In particular, Seoul seems to regard Ulaanbaatar as a valued partner for its Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Engagement Initiative (NAPCI) as well as its Eurasia Initiative (Yonhap News, August 26, 2014). Meanwhile, with the upsurge in political contacts between Russia and the DPRK in 2014, Moscow has supported Mongolia’s engagement with North Korea (38 North, November 6, 2014). Indeed, during Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Ulaanbaatar last September, both sides even agreed to collaborate on using the North Korean Rason port (Ikon, September 3, 2014). Both North Korea and Mongolia, as Russia’s traditional geopolitical pivots to Northeast Asia, welcome Russia’s engagement. Whereas, it is clearly in Russia’s interest to transform North Korea from a roadblock to an entryway for reaching non-Chinese markets across Northeast Asia.

Even Mongolia’s view in Washington has been undergoing a moderate shift. US policymakers are now weighing the options of using Mongolia as: 1) an example for political and economic transitions, 2) a venue for dialogue on economic cooperation, and/or 3) a staging area for humanitarian activities in the wider region (Brookings Op-Ed, No. 84, January 2015; CSIS, December 3, 2014).

With these increasingly positive attitudes among all the major players, Mongolia may be able to capitalize on its secure domestic and political situation, as well as its political neutrality toward both Koreas, in order to strengthen its ties with potential partners across Northeast Asia. At the same time, Ulaanbaatar hopes to be able to provide more opportunities for trilateral collaboration among Mongolia, the ROK and the DPRK, especially in areas of sustainable development.

In mid-January 2015, a North Korean aircraft picked up 104 heads of cattle from Mongolia, the first shipment of 10,000 promised animals to help the DPRK develop its animal husbandry sector as a part of Mongolia’s humanitarian assistance package to this country (News.mn, January 13). Although Mongolia provided livestock (goats) to North Korea in the past, this time both sides aim to implement a much larger project, which will help the DPRK build up its long-term food-production capacity. With its traditional experience in the animal husbandry industry, Mongolia raises 51.9 million grazing animals and is re-building its export capacity to Chinese, Russian and Japanese markets (National Statistics Office of Mongolia, January 2015).

Another area that both Koreas are interested in is the leasing of fertile Mongolian land—especially along the major river basins in the eastern and northern parts the landlocked Asian country. Under a four-year-old agreement between the ROK’s Korea-Mongolia Agricultural Development Initiatives (KMADI) and the local government of Mongolia’s Dornod province, South Korea leased 30,000 hectares of land in eastern Mongolia to develop eco-friendly agriculture and livestock breeding (Korea IT Times, March 11, 2011). In the long run, the project aims to bring South Korean capital and technology into Mongolia with a long-term objective of creating sustainable sources of agricultural and livestock production.

Finally, about 30–40 thousand Mongolians live in South Korea, and 3,000 South Koreans and 2,000 North Koreans reside (or work) in Mongolia. Moreover, South Korea is becoming a major gateway for Mongolians to reach the Asia-Pacific region and North America: 65,000 Mongolians travel to and through Seoul every year. Currently, there are 20 flights in the summer and 12 in the winter between Seoul and Ulaanbaatar. Thus, South Korea has grown into one of Mongolia’s largest trading partners and has increased its investment in the landlocked country’s mining, infrastructure and services sectors. Although on a smaller scale, Mongolian businesses are also eyeing investments in North Korea, if Pyongyang gradually opens up its economy.

If these trends continue, Mongolia may appeal for even more economic and cultural collaboration with the two Koreas. And there appears to be ever greater potential for collaboration on sustainable economic projects such as agriculture, tourism and infrastructure development.

Mongolia: Proponent of Peace in Northeast Asia

Mongolia: Potential Mediator between the Koreas and Proponent of Peace in Northeast Asia
By: David L. Caprara, Katharine H.S. Moon and Paul Park

Brookings Center for East Asia Policy Studies, Dr. Moon and Mr. Park are APP members.

Opinion | January 2015

2014 was a relatively friendless year for the Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea). It publicly lost its best friend and patron, China, to its erstwhile nemesis, the Republic of Korea (ROK or South Korea), when Presidents Park Geun-hye and Xi Jinping celebrated their growing friendship at the July summit in Seoul. Recently, retired PLA General Wang Hongguang wrote in the Chinese language site of Global Times, which is closely linked to the Chinese Communist Party, that China tired of cleaning up North Korea’s “mess” and would not step in to “save” North Korea if it collapses or starts a war.[1] And there is a vigorous debate in Beijing on whether the DPRK should be treated on a “normal” basis with China’s interests as the sole guide and purpose or be treated as a special case needing China’s indulgence and protection.[2] Since the Sony hack of November, North Korea has been under tighter scrutiny, both real and virtual, by Seoul, Beijing and Washington, accompanied by tighter sanctions in the new year. Bludgeoned by global condemnation of its atrocious human rights record, Pyongyang’s pariah status has intensified. Only Russia has been warming up to North Korea out of its own economic and political self-interest.

Is there any sizable country with good intentions for the region that is not giving up or beating up on North Korea? Is there any country Pyongyang likes and possibly even trusts? Mongolia stands out as the sole candidate, and it is friendly with both the East and the West.

Since the 2000s, Mongolia has played an increasingly constructive and steady role in in its bilateral ties with the DPRK and in its promotion of peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia. President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj, who visited Pyongyang in 2013, was the first head of state to reach out to the DPRK since Kim Jung Un assumed power and helped author the “Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Northeast Asia Security,” which held its first meeting in June, 2014. It is a unique forum that combines official (track one) and unofficial academic/think tank/NGO (track two) participants, on a variety of important regional issues. The goals are to decrease distrust among nations and increase cooperation and peace. Both the DPRK and the ROK (Republic of Korea or South Korea) were represented at the inaugural meeting, as were the United States, China, Russia, Japan, and some European nations.

The UB Dialogue, as a consultative mechanism, has the potential to bring together policymakers, international organizations such as the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), and civil society entities and facilitate a range of initiatives related to economic cooperation; military transparency; environmental issues; non-traditional security threats; regional stability, cultural and educational exchange among the participants, including the two Koreas. These are official agenda items and goals of the UB Dialogue. With the Six-Party Talks nearly defunct and inter-Korean relations unable to address regional issues that affect the peninsula, Mongolia may be able to serve as a “Geneva or Helsinki of the East” as some observers have suggested.

Mongolia’s expanding global presence
Mongolia is uniquely positioned as the only country in Northeast Asia that enjoys good relations not only with North Korea but also South Korea, the United States, China, Russia, and Japan.

Mongolia’ relations with the United States, Canada, and Western Europe have steadily improved and deepened since the late 1980s. In recent decades, both Democratic and Republication administrations in Washington have enjoyed mutually warm and collaborative relations with Mongolia. President George W. Bush was the first sitting U.S. president to visit the country in 2005; he thanked the Mongolians for sending troops to join U.S.-led forces in Iraq and Afghanistan and for supporting anti-terrorism initiatives. Former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld also visited in the same year. In 2007, President Nambaryn Enkhbayar visited Washington to co-sign the Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact with President Bush. The next (and current) leader, President Elbegdorj, met U.S. President Barack Obama at the White House in 2011, as did the first civilian Minister of Defense, L. Bold. Vice President Joe Biden included Mongolia on a three-country Asia visit in August, 2011; China and Japan were the other two. A year later, Secretary of State Hilary Clinton took her turn in Ulaanbaatar. The most recent visit by top-level U.S. officials to Mongolia was by Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel in April 2014.

Mongolia’s pursuit of the “third neighbor” policy allows the country to develop cooperative relations with the United States, Western Europe, ASEAN nations and others partly as “an air pocket” from its economic and security reliance on Beijing and Moscow. The softer side of this diplomatic push has been demonstrated by Ulaanbaatar’s membership in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and its previous chairmanship of the Community on Democracies.”[3]

Western experts on Mongolia applaud the way the country has developed a unique “peacekeeping niche” that facilitates participation in UN peacekeeping activities, international anti-terrorism measures, and humanitarian actions. For its small population of about three million, Mongolia takes on a heavy load of peacekeeping activities, ranking 26th on the UN’s list of contributing nations.[4]

Since 2003, Mongolia annually hosts the “Khaan Quest” peacekeeping exercises for the purpose of tactical advancement and capacity building for its Mongolian Armed Forces (MAF) and for the improvement of regional confidence building. Although the United States and NATO play prominent roles, the Quest has attracted more diverse participants over the years so that by 2012, the number of interested parties expanded to include representatives from China and India as well as an array of developing nations such as Vietnam and Cambodia. These exercises are acknowledged as gatherings devoted to strengthening international cooperation and interoperability on peacekeeping initiatives around the world.[5]

On the economic side, Mongolia has been diversifying its external relations, with the maintenance of sovereignty and the related desire to reduce its overwhelming dependence on China as important goals. Expansion of economic relations is driven in part by a desire to participate in and benefit from global standards investment funds, and market access is a national priority. In that context, Mongolia’s relations with the West have been constructive and collaborative. For example, in 2013, the United States Trade Representative Michael Froman and Mongolia's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Luvsanvandan Bold, signed the Agreement on Transparency in Matters Related to International Trade and Investment between the United States of America and Mongolia. The Agreement commits the parties to provide opportunities for public comment on proposed laws and regulations and to publish final laws and regulations in Mongolian and English in order to facilitate access, openness, fairness, and procedural coherence in international trade and investment between Mongolia and other countries. “Additional commitments address the application of disciplines on bribery and corruption.” This type of administrative and legal modernization and the incorporation of measures to prevent and correct corruption are exemplary measures that could be helpful to the DPRK and other countries that are unfamiliar with or lagging in appropriate frameworks for doing business with diverse international actors.

Maintaining sovereignty between giants
China and Russia have vied for influence over Mongolia for many decades, from the time when Mongolia was in the Soviet sphere in influence to the present. Although 89 percent of foreign trade in 2013 was with China and Russia provides about 75 percent of Mongolia’s gasoline and diesel fuel and much of its electricity, Ulaanbaatar is assertively broadening and deepening its economic interests with the two big neighbors, especially greater transportation access and cheaper costs (vital to the landlocked nation), participation in the development of the New Silk Road corridor, and the construction of a Russian oil and gas pipeline through Mongolia that reaches China. All three countries have mutual interests and investments in developing Mongolia’s well-endowed mining industry.

But being sandwiched between two giants means Mongolia has to be prudent in preserving its sovereignty and independence, and Ulaanbaatar has done so in practical ways, balancing the two large powers’ interests with its own. The 2010 National Security Concept’s “One-Third Clause” sets a clear limit on the proportion of foreign direct investment from any one country: one-third. Legislation limits (foreign) state-owned companies from gaining control of strategic assets. And as numerous bilateral security and military cooperation agreements link Mongolia with China and Russia, UB has strategically and legally created elbow room for its autonomy. The government’s National Security and Foreign Policy Concepts outline a specific policy of not allowing foreign troops the use of its territory. Such preservationist measures to maintain sovereignty and independence in economic and security terms would be welcome examples to a North Korea which zealously prioritizes national sovereignty.