Japanese state history dissemination

Autobiography of Massachusetts
native who survived
the Bataan Death March

On November 30, the Abe Administration through its Foreign Ministry's think tank, the Japan International Institute for International Studies (JIIA), will sponsor a conference in Washington, DC at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP), entitled, POST-WAR U.S.-JAPAN RECONCILIATION: STRATEGIC BENEFITS OF HEALING.

Its purpose, as the Sankei Shimbun article below explains, is to present the current Japanese government's views of history.

This means it is an effort to sanitize the Japanese Administration's denier history narrative and to discredit Korea and China's historical views of WWII.  The United States will be presented as the "good" reconcilier. However, people who actually fought for historical justice for the American POWs, civilian internees, and comfort women are not included in the conference. These scholars and activists are likely to observe that the U.S. was a reconciler through neglect and its absence in reconciliation programs.

Speakers complicit in this effort are: Representative Niki Tsongas (D-MA); Michael H. Armacost, Shorenstein APARC fellow, Stanford University; Gerald L. Curtis, Burgess professor emeritus of political science at Columbia University; Thomas Berger, professor of international relations at the Pardee School of Global Studies at Boston University; Rohan Mukherjee, assistant professor of political science at Yale-NUS College in Singapore; Keiko Iizuka, editorialist and senior political writer for the Yomiuri Shimbun; Koichi Ai, acting director general at the Japan Institute of International Affairs; Michael R. Auslin, Research Fellow, Hoover Institution; Jennifer Lind, Associate Professor, Department of Government, Dartmouth College; Toshihiro Nakayama, Professor, Faculty of Policy Management, Keio University; Douglas H. Paal, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; James L. Schoff, senior fellow in the Carnegie Asia Program.

Japan International Institute for International Studies Begins to Spread Japan's Viewpoints on History by Initiating its First International Symposium on History and Reconciliation

Sankei Shimbun, November 19, 2017 [Provisional Translation by APP Interns]

The Japan International Institute for International Studies (President and Director General Yoshiji Nogami, Former Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs) will hold a number of symposia overseas on the theme of "history and reconciliation.” It is the first time for JIIA, established in 1959, to hold a symposium overseas on this theme. This is an effort to disseminate overseas the arguments of the Japan side based on objective historical research on such issues as territory and comfort women that Japan has [differences] with neighboring countries.

The symposia will be held in Washington DC on November 30th; in Paris next January; and in New Delhi in February. Researchers from Japan and overseas will participate and it is expected that the latest research in Japan and the opinions of researchers from third-party countries will be presented.

In addition to underscoring the differences between regions that experienced the last world war [大戰] and other events where reconciliation has progressed and those regions where it has not, the symposia are expected also to focus discussion on nationalism in each country.

[Note: The Sankei’s text is ambiguous and written badly. The Sankei writer is hinting above that one should “look at Taiwan and the Philippines, etc., who are very cooperative with Japan despite their war experience, and compare them with the Koreans and Chinese who continue to condemn Japan.”]

The Institute held a symposium in Tokyo this October [the 12th, (Japanese only)] that invited history researchers and others from South Korea, India and the U.S. entitled “History and Reconciliation - Thinking from International Comparison.” One participant, Professor Park Yu-ha of Sejong University [not a historian], the author of the book The Empire's Comfort Women, who was charged [and convicted] of defamation against the several former Comfort Women, said, “The background of the comfort women issue as a major problem between Japan and South Korea can be traced to the fact that the ideological conflict between the left and right in South Korea is closely linked to their views of Korean history as related to Japan.” [i.e., Park is saying that the Korean Left is anti-Japanese and the Right is pro-Japanese]

With an unfair “history war” developing abroad, a JIIA official noted, “We hope that these symposia can spread the data [correct historical evidence] that Japan has accumulated so far in order to appeal to the hearts of people in the West and elsewhere.

###

Background

>Japan Institute of International Affairs caves to right-wing pressure. 2006/2007

The Struggle for the Japanese Soul: Komori Yoshihisa, Sankei Shimbun, and the JIIA controversy By David McNeill, Japan Focus, September 4, 2006.

Softly, Softly: Did the Japan Institute of International Affairs buckle under right-wing pressure? No, says Ambassador Satoh Yukio. Yes, say his critics by David McNeill; Fred Varcoe interviews Amb. Satoh Yukio, Japan Focus, July 3, 2007.

>SYMPOSIUM "HISTORY AND RECONCILIATION－AN INTERNATIONAL COMPARATIVE STUDY"－October 12, 2017 JIIA Symposium in Tokyo

Part I: "Case Studies on Reconciliation" [Video]

Mr. Brahma Chellaney, Professor, Strategic Studies, Center for Policy Research in New Delhi

Ms. Lily Gardner Feldman, Senior Fellow, American Institute for Contemporary German Studies(AICGS), Johns Hopkins

Mr. Fumiaki Kubo, Senior Fellow, American Government and History, Graduate Schools for Law and Politics, University of Tokyo

Mr. Nobukatsu Kanehara, Deputy Secretary General of National Security Secretariat and Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary, Prime Minister’s Office of Japan

Part II: "What Promotes and Prevents Reconciliation?"

Ms. Yinan He, Associate professor, Department of International Relations, Lehigh University

Ms. Ji Young Kim, Associate Professor, Department of Area Studies, University of Tokyo

Mr. Kazuya Sakamoto, Professor, Department of Law and Political Science, Graduate School of Law and Politics, Osaka University

Mr. Thongchai Winichakul, Emeritus Professor of Southeast Asian History, University of Wisconsin–Madison

Part III: "Reconciliation and Nationalism"

Mr. Yūichi Hosoya, Senior Fellow, Tokyo Foundation, Professor, Faculty of Law, Keio University.

Mr. Lung-chih Chang, Associate Research Fellow and Deputy Director, Institute of Taiwan History

Mr. Daqing Yang, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, GWU

Ms. Yu-ha Park, Professor, College of Liberal Arts, Sejong University

Mr. Shin Kawashima, Professor, Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Tokyo

Japan Backward

When "Forward" Means "Right"

The Sankei group wants to launch a new English-language news organ that more aggressively pushes Japanese perspectives. Good luck with that.

by David McNeill, writes for the Independent, the Economist and other publications. He has been based in Tokyo since 2000 and is an APP member.

Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan
Number 1 Shimbun 3/31/17

Foreign journalists are often blamed for distorting the image of Japan by, for example, moralizing about the quirks of its economy and politics, or peddling hardy perennials (geishas, sexless marriages, gangsters, suicide) that convey exoticism, not depth or nuance. Then there’s the shrill online outrage that now greets each foreign story about historical issues such as the comfort women coerced into World War II military brothels, who have been the subject of undignified diplomatic haggling for the last two decades.

Some correspondents, such as Carsten Germis of the German daily, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, have even been accused (by the foreign ministry, no less) of taking bribes from China for writing about Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s attempts to whitewash Japan’s wartime misdeeds.

So, try to imagine a project that might redraw this distorted picture. It would give “Japanese perspectives” on diplomacy, culture and history. It might come from the media stable most closely associated in Japan with unabashed nationalism – the Sankei Shimbun. It would have a hinomaru as its symbol and a moniker like “Japan First,” except that’s the name of a political party, and a popular tweet handle (“Japan for the Japanese; Anti-Globalism, Anti-Communism”). Not “Japan Best,” because that sounds childish. How about “Japan Forward”?

What you might have pictured is actually the pre-launch edition of an English-language online newspaper that emerged in May of last year from the Sankei group. The aim says an editorial, is to provide a forum for “Japanese voices” and deliver them to the world “as we think about the future.” Articles on the website’s front page include an interview with Abe in which he pledges to bring Japanese abductees home from North Korea. Defense Minister Tomomi Inada defends her controversial pilgrimage last December to Yasukuni Shrine, and a cheeky commentary urges President Donald Trump to also visit the Shinto landmark.

THAT SUGGESTS A FIXATION with rightist causes but it’s not the whole picture. Sure, there are oven-ready articles from the Sankei cupboard and polemical broadsides against China. But Japan Forward also carries thoughtful essays on the rise of Yuriko Koike, Tokyo’s governor, and on Abe’s relationship with Trump.

The schizophrenic tone – not so much nationalist swaggering as an apologetic lurch – may reflect the presence of several foreign contributors and commissioning editors. They include Paul Nadeau, who doubles as a private secretary to Tsuyoshi Hoshino, an LDP lawmaker and former Sankei reporter.

When approached by Sankei editors to collaborate with the publication, Nadeau, a Tokyo-based American and occasional writer, says he was at least sympathetic enough to the complaint that Japan was sometimes ill served by its corps of gaijin hacks to want to help. “One of the issues with Western reporting on Japan is that it often tends to fit Western frames to Japanese political discussions,” he says, citing an article in the Washington Post by Anna Fifield quoting a university professor in comparing Inada to Marie Le Pen, France’s rightwing firebrand. “Okay, they’re both conservative and women, but Inada has spoken positively for LGBT rights, and immigration. You’d never see Le Pen do that.”

“One of the issues with Western reporting on Japan is that it often tends to fit Western frames to Japanese political discussions.”

Nadeau says he was also “frustrated” by articles citing a steady rise in Japanese defence spending as evidence of its remilitarization. “The numbers are quite small in context and there are a lot of constraints that prevent spending from growing higher.” It’s not a distortion or bias, he explains: “It’s an incomplete characterization.”

The Sankei, the smallest of Japan’s major dailies, had been the only one without an English-language edition. The Yomiuri still churns out its print offshoot, the Japan News. The Nikkei launched a magazine, the Nikkei Asian Review, in 2014, while both the Mainichi and Asahi long ago pulled their English newspapers but have continued with an online presence.

BUT IF THE EDITORIAL team’s “mission statement” on the Japan Forward website is to be believed, something is still missing. So they intend to present the “true face of Japan,” and are setting out to overcome misunderstandings “born of linguistic barriers.” They are open to a “freewheeling debate,” welcoming “well-expressed dissenting and dissimilar views,” and basing the editorial on the Sankei’s high-quality articles, editorials, interviews and other Japan-original content.” Typically, one of its earlier efforts was titled “‘Japan First’ Is the Only Response to ‘America First,’” in which Sankei executive editor Masato Inui warned that: “A dog-eat-dog world is coming, and we must hurry to prepare for it.”

Laudable aspirations, if one believes that the time is ripe for a publication that will more assertively push Japan’s interests. It comes at a time when there has been a resurgence of national pride, with TV and books increasingly filled with “Japan is great” praise. As Masakazu Shirana and Teiichi Ikeda, reporters with the Tokyo Shimbun noted recently, it is a phenomenon that seems less a harbinger for the future than a nod to the past, specifically the xenophobic 1930s.

It comes at a time when there has been a resurgence of national pride, with TV and books increasingly filled with “Japan is great” praise.

Still Japan Forward has its work cut out: the beta version isn’t particularly revolutionary. Among the recent uploads is standard rightist fare, such as an accusatory piece on the Chinese government’s support of Japan-focused hatred. Much of the content in the rather clumsily designed interface was pretty bland stuff. There was an introduction to Tokyo’s Nezu Shrine, coverage of the last day of the recent sumo tournament and a breathless promo of a new luxury train line. If this is anything to go by, none of the English editions of the Japanese dailies, much less the Japan Times – dubbed the “anti-Japan Times” by the right – have anything to fear from their new competition.

NB: The publication is also an avenue to pay a number of rightwing White men to write or appear to write anti-Korea or anti-Chinese articles. There are only a few "right white faces" that do this, so it is easy to quickly learn their names and avoid them. In addition, many of the key Japanese history deniers are article authors. 

Though the beta edition is intended to end with a formal launch in May, when the business plan calls for sponsorship to make it a self-sustaining operation, they have yet to face the full-throttle complexities of an ongoing website, requiring quality writing and editing on a regular basis, and though we reached out for comment from the Sankei, we received no reply.

Will the Sankei’s promise to promote “diverse perspectives” survive? Perhaps not: Senior editors have already reportedly reined in articles that strayed too far from its unofficial remit – to make Japan appear great again.

Prime Minister of Japan’s Schedule May 18-24, 2015

Monday, May 18, 2015

AM
08:00 At private residence (no visitors)
09:41 Depart from private residence
09:54 Arrive at official residence
10:07 Meet with Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Seko Hiroshige
10:38 End meeting with Mr. Seko
11:53 Depart from office
11:55 Arrive at Diet
11:56 Enter Upper House President’s Reception Room
11:57 Leave Upper House President’s Reception Room, enter Upper House Chamber

PM
12:01 Plenary session of the Upper House begins
01:08 Plenary session of the Upper House adjourns
01:09 Leave Upper House Chamber
01:10 Depart from Diet
01:12 Arrive at office
01:32 Interview with monthly journal Seiron
02:12 Interview ends
02:19 Receive a courtesy call from Japanese Co-Chairman Kazuo Tsukuda, Acting EU Co-Chairman Danny Risberg, and other members of the EU-Japan Business Round Table
02:31 Courtesy call ends
02:45 Meet with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance Aso Taro, Ministry of Finance’s Director-General of Budget Bureau Tanaka Kazuho, and Ministry of Finance’s Director-General of the Financial Bureau Nakahara Hiroshi
03:24 End meeting with Mr. Aso, Mr. Tanaka, and Mr. Nakahara
03:25 Meet with Minister of State for Economic and Fiscal Policy Amari Akira, Vice-Minister of Cabinet Office Matsuyama Kenji, Cabinet Office Director-General for Policies on Cohesive Society Maekawa Mamoru, Cabinet Office Director-General for Policies on Cohesive Society Habuka Shigeki, Cabinet Office’s Director-General for Policies on Cohesive Society Tawa Hiroshi
03:40 End meeting with Mr. Amari, Mr. Matsuyama, Mr. Maekawa, Mr. Habuka, and Mr. Tawa
03:47 National Security Council meeting
03:56 Meeting ends
03:57 Meet with Director of National Security Council (NSC) Yachi Shotaro, Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru, MOFA’s Director-General of Foreign Policy Bureau Hiramatsu Kenji, Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director-General of Bureau of Defense Policy Kuroe Tetsuro, Chief of Staff for Joint Staff Council Kawano Katsutoshi
04:20 End meeting with Mr. Yachi, Mr. Kitamura, Mr. Hiramatsu, Mr. Kuroe, and Mr. Kawano
04:32 The fourth meeting of the Council for the Protection of Information
04:57 Depart from office
04:58 Arrive at Diet
04:59 Enter LDP President’s Office
05:00 LDP Officers Meeting
05:25 Meeting ends
05:35 Leave LDP President’s Office
05:36 Depart from Diet
05:38 Arrive at office
05:39 Meet with President of the Party for Future Generations Hiranuma Takeo, Secretary-General of the Party for Future Generations Matsuzawa Shigefumi, and others
05:56 End meeting with Mr. Hiranuma, Mr. Matsuzawa, and others
06:04 Film video message for universities
06:07 Finish filming
06:32 Depart from office
06:43 Arrive at the Headquarters Building of Yomiuri Shimbun in Otemachi-cho, Tokyo. Dinner meeting with Chairman of Yomiuri Group, Inc. Watanabe Tsuneo, Yomiuri Shimbun’s Special editorial board member Hashimoto Goro, Chairman of Sankei Shimbun Kiyohara Takehiko, Nikkei Shimbun’s Chief Editorial Writer Serikawa Yoichi, President of NHK Enterprises, INC. Imai Tamaki, and Commentor Yayama Taro
09:22 Depart from Yomiuri Shimbun
09:37 Arrive at private residence

Tuesday, May 19, 2015

AM
12:00 At private residence (no visitors)
08:00 At private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo (no morning visitors)
08:07 Depart from private residence
08:20 Arrive at office
08:28 Cabinet meeting
08:41 Cabinet meeting ends
09:50 Film video message for American groups
09:57 Finish filming
10:06 Meet with Chairman of LDP General Council Nikai Toshihiro and LDP Lower House member Hayashi Moto
10:33 End meeting with Mr. Nikai and Mr. Hayashi
10:34 Meet with Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Saiki Akitaka, Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA)’s Director-General of Middle Eastern and African Affairs Bureau Uemura Tsukasa, MOFA’s Director-General of Intelligence and Analysis Service Oka Hiroshi
11:03 End meeting with Mr. Saiki, Mr. Uemura, and Mr. Oka
11:05 Director of National Security Council (NSC) Yachi Shotaro, Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru, and Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director of Defense Intelligence Headquarters Miyagawa Tadashi enter
11:14 Mr. Yachi and Mr. Miyagawa leave
11:31 Mr. Kitamura leaves
11:32 Meet with Chairman of Young Diet Members’ Association for Promoting Japan-Taiwan Economic and Cultural Exchange Kishi Nobuo, and the Association’s Secretary-General Hagiuda Koichi
11:54 End meeting with Mr. Kishi and Mr. Hagiuda
11:55 Meet with LDP Lower House member Kawai Katsuyuki 

PM
12:04 End meeting with Mr. Kawai
12:54 Depart from office
12:55 Arrive at Diet
12:57 Enter Lower House Chamber
12:59 Speak with Senior Vice-Minister of Defense Sato Akira
01:00 Finish speaking with Mr. Sato
01:02 Plenary session of the Lower House begins
01:04 Leave in the middle of the plenary session of the Lower House
01:05 Depart from Diet
01:07 Arrive at office
01:35 Meet with MOFA’s Director-General of Foreign Policy Bureau Hiramatsu Kenji, Ministry of Defense (MOD)’s Director-General of Bureau of Defense Policy Kuroe Tetsuro
02:13 End meeting with Mr. Hiramatsu and Mr. Kuroe
05:18 The 6th meeting in 2015 of the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy
06:19 Meeting ends
06:23 Reception for Prime Minister of the Republic of Fiji Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama. Commemoration Photograph Session. Attend a ceremony by the guard of honor
06:30 Ceremony ends
06:32 Japan-Fiji Summit Meeting with Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama
07:31 Summit meeting ends
07:33 Joint press announcement. Exchange uniforms with Rugby representatives
06:41 Depart from office
06:43 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting hosted by Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and wife Akie
08:52 Send off Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama
08:53 Finishing send-off

Wednesday, May 20, 2015

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
08:00 At official residence (no morning visitors)
09:40 Depart from official residence
09:42 Arrive at office
09:43 Interview open to all media: when asked his comments on surpassing the tenure of his grandfather and former Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke, Prime Minister Abe says, “I have a long way to go. What is important is not the number of days in office but what I have achieved. I will devote myself to tackling our policies.”
09:44 Interview ends

PM
02:54 Depart from office
02:55 Arrive at Diet
02:58 Enter Lower House Committee Room No. 1
03:00 Party Leaders’ Debate
03:49 Party Leaders’ Debate ends
03:51 Leave Lower House Committee Room No. 1
03:53 Depart from Diet
03:54 Arrive at Diet
03:56 Minister of Finance Aso Taro, MOF’s Deputy Vice-Minister Fukuda Junichi, and Ministry of Finance (MOF)’s Director-General of Budget Bureau Tanaka Kazuho
04:46 Mr. Fukuda and Mr. Tanaka leave
05:00 Mr. Aso leaves
05:01 Meet with Mayor of Nagoto City, Yamaguchi Prefecture Onishi Kurao
05:05 End meeting with Mr. Onishi
05:06 Meet with Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru
05:55 Reception for President of Mongolia Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj. Commemoration Photograph Session
05:56 Attend a ceremony by the guard of honor
06:02 Ceremony ends
06:04 Japan-Mongolia Summit Meeting with President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj
06:43 Summit meeting ends
06:46 Joint Press Conference
06:55 Joint Press Conference ends
06:56 Depart from office
06:57 Arrive at official residence. Dinner meeting hosted by Prime Minister Abe Shinzo
08:10 Send off President Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj
08:11 Finishing send-off

Thursday, May 21, 2015

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
08:00 At official residence (no morning visitors)
09:45 Depart from official residence
09:47 Arrive at office
10:00 Meet with Special Advisor to the Prime Minister Kimura Taro
10:07 End meeting with Mr. Kimura
10:09 Meet with Director of Cabinet Intelligence Kitamura Shigeru
10:19 End meeting with Mr. Kitamura
11:03 Depart from office
11:13 Arrive at Hotel New Otani in Kioi-cho, Tokyo. Host a luncheon for Prime Minister of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea Peter O'Neill and other guests in banquet hall Ho-Oh-No-Ma.

PM
12:40 Receive a courtesy call from Chairman of the State Duma Sergey Naryshkin
12:55 Courtsey call ends
01:04 Depart from hotel
01:10 Arrive at office
01:34 Meet with Minister of the Environment Mochizuki Yoshio
01:55 End meeting with Mr. Mochizuki
01:56 Meet with LDP Secretary-General Tanigaki Sadakazu
02:29 End meeting with Mr. Tanigaki
04:17 Meet with Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) Shimomura Hakubun, Vice-Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Yamanaka Shinichi, MEXT’s Director-General of Sports and Youth Bureau Kubo Kimito
04:37 End meeting with Mr. Shimomura, Mr. Yamanaka, and Mr. Kubo
05:20 Meet with Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs (MOFA) Saiki Akitaka, Administrative Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Nagamine Yasumasa, MOFA’s Director-General of European Affairs Bureau Hayashi Hajime, MOFA’s Director-General of Economic Affairs Bureau Saiki Naoko
05:55 End meeting with Mr. Saiki, Mr. Nagamine, Mr. Hayashi, and Ms. Saiki
05:58 Depart from office
06:03 Arrive at Imperial Hotel in Uchisaiwai-cho, Tokyo.
06:13 Receive a courtesy call from Deputy Prime Minister of Kingdom of Thailand Pridiyathorn Devakula in the banquet hall Chidori
06:21 Courtesy call ends
06:26 Receive a courtesy call from Deputy Prime Minister, Socialist Republic of Vietnam Vu Van Ninh
06:41 Courtesy call ends
06:47 Receive a courtesy call from Vice President of Indonesia Jusuf Kalla
06:57 Courtesy call ends
07:05 Attend the banquet of the 21st International Conference on the Future of Asia held in Tokyo, delivered a speech, exchange views with attendants
08:47 Finishing attending the banquet
08:49 Depart from the hotel
08:56 Arrive at Palace Hotel Tokyo. Attend a social gathering of Columbia University Business School personnel, alumni, and others
09:58 Depart from the hotel
10:14 Arrive at private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo

‘Japan Lobby’ takes the gloves off in PR battle

BY  Jeff Kingston, director of Asian Studies, Temple University Japan and APP member

First published in THE JAPAN TIMES, October 31, 2015

The Sankei Shimbun advocates a more aggressive diplomatic stance on history issues and this dovetails with the mission of Japan Conference, a reactionary organization that includes numerous lawmakers. From their perspective, Japan has been too reticent and polite on the world stage and the gloves need to come off.

It never seems to occur to them that this might be a counterproductive strategy and that on history issues it leaves Japan vulnerable to criticisms of promoting an exonerating narrative that glorifies wartime and colonial excesses.

But Japan is not exactly a public-diplomacy wallflower. The Japanese government, foundations and firms have developed an influential network in the United States that dates back to the 1970s. That era of acrimonious trade frictions spawned what American scholar Robert Angel has dubbed the “Japan Lobby,” a multipronged public- and private-sector effort to shape U.S. policy and attitudes. ProPublica estimates that total Japanese spending on lobbying and public relations was a whopping $4.2 billion in 2008, putting Japan third behind the United Arab Emirates and the United Kingdom, while South Korea ranked eighth with $2.9 billion.

Like many of my university colleagues in Japan and the U.S., in September I was sent copies of two books from Liberal Democratic Party Upper House lawmaker Kuniko Inoguchi — “History Wars: Japan — False Indictment of the Century,” which was compiled and published by the Sankei Shimbun [and written by Yoshihisa Komori, Sankei reporter-at-large in Washington, DC], and “Getting Over It! Why Korea Needs to Stop Bashing Japan,” by Takushoku University professor Sonfa Oh. It turns out that this thinly veiled attempt at propaganda was also sent to the foreign press corps in Tokyo, but it’s not clear which organization paid for this extravagant gesture. The U.S.-registered nonprofit Global Alliance for Historical Truth, however, claims credit for the distribution of “History Wars” on its website.

It is unlikely that these polemical jeremiads will convince anyone to change their mind. The tone of the Sankei book is closer to unhinged ranting rather than reasoned argumentation and stretches credulity in asking to be taken seriously. It trots out the familiar assertion that there is no documentary proof of coerced recruitment of “comfort women,” but undermines its own case by acknowledging that Dutch women were coercively recruited by force. The soldiers involved were convicted solely on the testimony of these white comfort women while testimony by Korean comfort women about coercive recruitment is dismissed outright — an unseemly double-standard that speaks volumes about Sankei’s bias.

The Sankei book also points out that in 1993 when the Kono statement acknowledging state responsibility for coercive recruitment of comfort women was issued, the government clearly defined coercion as including threats and intimidation. This is an awkward point given the Sankei’s disingenuous efforts to downplay the comfort women issue by focusing exclusively on denying coercive recruitment involving physical force. The Sankei apparently thinks that if it can redefine coercion and convince everyone that there were no comfort women recruited at bayonet point, then Japan can wriggle off this hook of history as if the entire sordid system is not the issue.


Korean scholar Park Yu-ha, who is often cited by Japanese conservatives, refers to archival documents that prove private recruiters, including Japanese civilians dressed in military uniform, recruited comfort women through intimidation and deception at the behest of Japanese military authorities. She believes the Korean women who testify that they were coercively recruited, and also maintains that Chinese women and others across Asia were pressed into sexual service through coercion. Park also wants the Diet to issue an apology to the comfort women.

Moreover, scholar C. Sarah Soh also found that in battlefront areas wherever Japanese troops were stationed, local women were forced to serve in improvised comfort stations. It is also documented that the military transported the comfort women to the comfort stations on military bases where they were denied freedom of movement. So what exactly is the Sankei’s point?

The Sankei is also up in arms about China’s alleged backing of a comfort woman statue and Pacific War Museum in San Francisco [WWII Pacific War Memorial Hall, the first overseas anti-Japanese war memorial, VIDEO], apparently misunderstanding the local politics that drive these initiatives. It conveniently overlooks how, in 2013, Toru Hashimoto, as mayor of Osaka, sister city of San Francisco, drew the ire of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and city residents with his apologist comments about the comfort women system.

Raising the alarm about ongoing “History Wars” being waged in the United States, the Sankei asserts that China is orchestrating discord between the U.S. and Japan over history. If so, Beijing is doing a lousy job as more Americans by far distrust China: Only 38 percent of Americans have a high opinion of China while 74 percent have a favorable view of Japan. Tokyo’s best bet here is just to get out of the way and enjoy China’s self-inflicted wounds. It’s time Tokyo grasped that attacking criticism of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his historical views as anti-Japanese, makes it look both paranoid and malicious.

San Francisco Bay Area activists assert that before the board unanimously approved the comfort women memorial in September, the Japan Lobby was vigorously working behind the scenes to kill the resolution. Locals privately assert that there was an anti-statue campaign of disinformation, and that local Japanese-American organizations were pressured to lobby against the resolution, with continued Japanese corporate funding hanging in the balance.

The board disregarded allegations about incidents of discrimination and bullying targeting ethnic Japanese children in Glendale, California, after a comfort woman statue was erected there. Glendale authorities dismissed these unsubstantiated claims by opponents to the statue, pointing out there were no reports to schools or police at the time. It seems that Japan would do better to shrug off these comfort women statue and memorial initiatives because intervention seems to backfire, throwing fuel on the fires of recrimination over the shared East Asian past thereby ensuring that more will be built.

So what should we make of the newly established organization Voices of Vietnam, a well-funded group that has hired former Minnesota Sen. Norm Coleman [lobbyist with Hogan Lovells, Embassy of Japan's longtime lobbying firm] to serve as point-man in demanding President Park Geun-hye apologize for Vietnamese comfort women who served some 320,000 South Korean soldiers fighting at the behest of Washington in the Vietnam War? This organization held a press conference on Oct. 15 in connection with Park’s summit with U.S. President Barack Obama. In a Fox News op-ed published on the eve of the summit [President Park should publicly apologize for South Korea's sexual violence in Vietnam], Coleman demanded Park apologize to the Vietnamese victims of Korean sexual predations: “Failing to make such an unequivocal apology would only undermine President Park’s moral authority as she presses Japan to apologize for the sexual violence perpetrated against South Korean ‘comfort women’ during World War II.”

Apparently whacking Park is the main mission of an organization that seems, rather curiously, to have sprung up out of nowhere, according to sources in the Vietnamese diaspora in the U.S.

Certainly, amends to these women — there are an estimated 800 survivors — and the thousands of children of mixed ancestry born to them, are in order, but why hasn’t Coleman spoken out about the far larger, similar problem involving U.S. soldiers? And, given the expense of hiring ex-senators to be lobbyists, as the Japanese government has already done with Tom Daschle, who is paying the bills here?

Prime Minister Abe’s Understanding of Human Trafficking

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was interviewed by Washington Post Editorial Page writer David Ignatius in late March. The Prime Minister's press aide emphasized to Mr. Ignatius that it was significant that Abe had used the expression "human trafficking" in regard to the Comfort Women. That may be, but not for the reasons the Office of Prime Minister believes. Below is an analysis of Abe's use of one of the two Japanese expressions for "human trafficking" in this context. 

Summary

Abe’s use of the vernacular expression jinshin-baibai for “human trafficking” was intended to be ambiguous. On March 28th, the Sankei Shimbun quoted an unnamed “high-ranking government official” as saying that jinshin-baibai [human-body selling/buying] “which means selling and buying of human bodies like chattel,” as the paper explains, does not imply/include forcible recruitment.” The paper concludes that the Prime Minister meant to draw a line between his view that parents sold their daughters to brokers and the forcible “recruitment” of girls by members of Imperial Japan’s military and government officials. Abe purposely avoided Japan’s formal expression of human trafficking (jinshin torihiki) to avoid connection to the internationally-accepted legal  definition (which Japan agreed to in 2005) that includes coercion. He continues to deny state responsibility. Further he is hitting back at a March 2nd statement by the US State Department, “The trafficking of women for sexual purposes by the Japanese military during World War II was a terrible, egregious violation of human rights” that clearly ascribes responsibility to the Japanese state.

Analysis

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s use of the phrase “human trafficking” in his March 28th interview with the Washington Post does not constitute progress[1]. The fact that the prime minister’s press person artlessly emphasized that it was the first time for the Prime Minister to associate the Comfort Women with trafficking should have drawn a red flag. Abe uses a linguistic sleight of hand that appears in one context to acknowledge the Comfort Women experience, while in another distancing the Japanese state from responsibility. He has done more to muddle his intentions than to clarify them. Human trafficking suggests coercion, but this always implies private sector, not state, responsibility.

A. Abe and his government continue to believe that the Comfort Women were mainly Korean and not coerced by any Imperial Japanese governmental person or entity.

B. Since 2014, the Government of Japan has asserted that the term “sex slaves” is inappropriate for the “Comfort Women.” At a 2014 meeting of the UN Human Rights Committee, Osamu Yamanaka, Director, Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs Division, Foreign Policy Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stated that Japan “had carefully considered the 1926 Slavery Convention and did not consider comfort women as a slavery issue.”[2]

C. There are two Japanese expressions for human trafficking/trafficking in persons.

a. 人身売買 [jinshin-baibai] – literal translation is “human-body selling-buying.” This is the expression Abe told the Lower House Budget Committee (March 30)[3] that he used in speaking to the Washington Post. It is often used in the vernacular.

b. 人身取引 [jinshin-torihiki] – literal translation “human-body deal/transaction” This is the official translation used by the Japanese government for the UN term “trafficking in persons” as written in the “Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” [4], which the Japanese Diet approved in 2005.[5]

For a full discussion of the definitions of these terms and their use in Japan see The Japan Network Against Trafficking in Persons (JNATIP), an NGO that has long tackled the issue of trafficking in the country. Jinshin-baibai is a pre-2000 term focused on the buying and selling of people for sexual exploitation, while Jinshin-torihiki is the modern term that includes sex slavery and organ trading. Here is a chart they have on their website outlining the differences.

人身売買 jinshin-baibai [human-body selling-buying]	人身取引 jinshin-torihiki [human-body deal/transaction]
2000年以前も使用されていた Used also prior to 2000	2000年人身売買禁止議定書採択以降使用 Used since 2000 adoption of UN Protocol prohibiting trafficking
歴史的に人を売買・取引した搾取を連想可能 Possible to associate the word to history of exploitation through buying-selling and trading  of persons	歴史的な搾取の経緯を不問 Not linking the word to a history of exploitation
女性の性的搾取、女性に対する暴力(VAW)を中心に言及する傾向 Tends to be used mainly when referring to sexual exploitation of women, violence against women (VAW)	性的搾取だけでなく強制労働、隷属、臓器売買を含む Not limited to sexual servitude but including forced labor, enslavement and the human organ trade
定義不明確。搾取的な労働や臓器売買など新たな課題をとらえきれない Definition unclear. Not necessarily capturing new issues including exploitative labor and the human organ trade	国際組織犯罪と定義し犯罪対策として国際社会の協調行動とりやすい Defined as international organized crime, it is easier for the international community to take concerted action as a counter-measure against crime

[Provisional translation by APP]

D. Article 3 of the Protocol provides the definition of “trafficking in persons” as follows:

(a) “Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs;

(b) The consent of a victim of trafficking in persons to the intended exploitation set forth in subparagraph (a) of this article shall be irrelevant where any of the means set forth in subparagraph (a) have been used;

(c) The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a child for the purpose of exploitation shall be considered “trafficking in persons” even if this does not involve any of the means set forth in subparagraph (a) of this article;

(d) “Child” shall mean any person under eighteen years of age.[6]

E. What does jinshin-baibai mean in Japanese?

· The Japanese expression jinshin-baibai has the strong implication of selling and buying by private agents.

· The English word "trafficking" is broader and suggests the forced recruitment/acquisition of a person.

· This touches on the sensitive issue (among Japanese conservatives) of forcible recruitment/acquisition of the Comfort Women by members of Japan’s military and government.

· Japanese commentators believe Abe used intentionally the less inclusive phrase to show his domestic audience that he still does not accept that the Comfort Women were forcibly recruited while acting in such a way that he does not seem to the western world that he objects to the idea. Instead, they were part of what some in Japan see as a socially acceptable, culturally appropriate transaction of the time. [Debt bondage, however, was technically illegal in Japan since 1872.]

F. Abe’s intent was to be ambiguous. On March 28th, the Sankei Shimbun quoted an unnamed "high-ranking government official" as saying that jinshin-baibai [human-body selling/buying] “which means selling and buying of human bodies like chattel”, as the paper explains, does not imply/include forcible recruitment." The paper concludes that the Prime Minister meant to draw a line between his view that parents sold their daughters to brokers and the forcible “recruitment” of girls by members of Imperial Japan’s military and government officials.[7]

For Abe and his revanchist cohort, the Comfort Women issue is about who was responsible for trafficking these women and making their life miserable. The answer, they believe, is that Korean Comfort Women were either sold by their Korean parents to, or deceived by, Korean private agents. The Imperial Japanese government, in any form, was not involved. There is no recognition that it was the state that commissioned these agents and allowed for a trafficking system to exist in a tightly controlled police state.

US Government Positions Compromised by Abe’s word choice

Abe’s use of the term human trafficking in English holds a number of dangers for him and the US Government.

A. The US State Department 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report identifies Japan as a Tier II Country, meaning, “The Government of Japan does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.”[8]

Abe inadvertently highlights the fact that Japan does not share the same norms or values as other G7 countries regarding women and trafficking. In addition, he calls attention to modern Japan’s (Meiji onward, 1868-) long tradition of trafficking women, from the karayuki-san to the ianfu to today’s Japayuki “hostesses.”[9]

B. The US State Department links Comfort Women trafficking specifically to the Japanese military. Abe’s statement contradicts or possibly negates this position.

On March 2nd, the State Department’s Foreign Press Center responded to a Yonhap News question regarding the US Government’s stance on the Comfort Women with

The trafficking of women for sexual purposes by the Japanese military during World War II was a terrible, egregious violation of human rights. President Obama has said, it is in the interest of both the Japanese and the Korean people to look forward as well as backwards and to find ways in which the heartache and the pain of the past can be resolved, because the interests today of the Korean and Japanese people so clearly converge. We encourage Japan to continue to address this issue in a manner that promotes healing and facilitates better relations with neighboring states. We also emphasize the importance of treating surviving women with dignity and respect.[10]

On April 1st, however, the US State Department welcomed Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's recent remark that referred to Comfort Women as victims of “human trafficking.” The spokesperson said “We have welcomed Prime Minister Abe's positive messages in 2015 on history issues and Japan's postwar contributions to peace," adding, We see his interview with The Washington Post in this same light.”[11]

ENDNOTES
[1] See: http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/shinzo-abes-optimistic-vision/2015/03/26/2108bef0-d3e5-11e4-8fce-3941fc548f1c_story.html
[2] See: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14878&LangID=E#sthash.QL6V5PYS.dpuf
[3] [Provisional translation] “This issue has been discussed in a variety of ways and it is a fact that the discussion of human-body selling-buying has been pointed out. From this perspective, I used the word human-body selling-buying."
「この問題については様々な議論がなされてきているところでございますが、その中において、人身売買についての議論も指摘されてきたのは事実でございました。その観点から、人身売買という言葉を使ったところでございます」http://news.tbs.co.jp/newseye/tbs_newseye2457451.html 
[4] See: http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/jinshin/
[5] See: http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/treaty/treaty162_1.html
[6] See: http://www.unodc.org/unodc/treaties/CTOC/
[7] See Sankei http://www.sankei.com/politics/news/150328/plt1503280026-n1.html
[8] See: http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2014/index.htm
[9] See: http://articles.chicagotribune.com/1988-12-04/features/8802210904_1_japanese-ministry-filipino-japayuki
[10] This statement was an email response from the Foreign Press Club to Korean journalists; see Voice of America, March 3, 2015; See: http://www.voanews.com/content/south-korea-criticizes-us-officials-comments-on-comfort-women/2665589.html
[11] This statement was an email response from the Foreign Press Club to Japanese journalists, “U.S. Welcomes Abe's "Human Trafficking" Remark, JiJi Press News on the Web, English, 2015/04/02-11:49.

Japan is leashed, for now

East and West, diplomats are puzzeled by the Abe Administration's emphasis on recasting Japan's war history as either defensive or entitled. Some think its source is the Japanese reluctance to speak ill of their ancestors, even if they are war criminals. Others believe that the Abe people are simply ideological.

Abe and his Cabinet suggest that no apologies are necessary for defending one's country or liberating another's.  That is not aggression. Treaties and international laws justified collecting colonies and territories. Imperial Japan believed in the rule of law.

The Sankei Shimbun editorial below appears to provide another explanation: it is good diplomacy to remind Japan's neighbors of how fanatical and belligerent Japanese can be. It is a unique and troubling argument of "Yasukuni/history as deterrence."

Being a 'Nice Boy' Is No Way To Do Diplomacy

Sankei Shimbun, 24 April 2013
[provisional translation/summary by APP for scholarly use]

First the author talks about the historical (late-1500s) example of the Shimazu-Clan, which ruled the Satsuma Region of southwest Kyushu. The Shimazus fought against future Shogun Ieyasu Tokugawa's army, which was trying to (and eventually did) take control over all of Japan. Even though the Shimazu Clan lost against the Tokugawa forces at the large and crucial Battle of Sekigahara, they fought so hard (e.g., 1,000 warriors charged into the Tokugawa formation and fought until only 80 were left) that thereafter, the Satsuma region was not brought under as stringent control as others (i.e., because the Tokugawa Shogun didn't want to have to fight them again).

In a similar way, toward the end of WW-II, even though Japan was showing signs of weakening and being headed towards defeat, it continued to fight tenaciously, repeatedly sending "Special Attack Units" (Kamikaze) to strike at the enemy. This hard-core/fight-to-the-death Japanese combat caused fear/awe in the U.S. and Allied forces, and they did not want to fight the Japanese ever again, which resulted in the Occupation trying to "de-fang" Japan (e.g., through the Constitution) --- but, the same fear also kept the U.S./Allied Occupation from becoming too onerous to Japan and helped to keep the Showa Emperor in place.

So concerning Yasukuni Shrine... First, it is totally natural for Japanese leaders to visit the shrine and pray for the souls of the brave countrymen who fought so hard and gave their lives for their country. Secondly, it serves as a reminder of how hard/bravely Japanese soldiers fought (and could fight again) to those countries who would view Japan as an enemy or target. So, in a sense, the visits, which call attention to Japan's past military prowess, serve as a form of deterrence.

When Vice-PM Aso and over 160 Diet members recently visited Yasukuni, South Korea immediately cancelled a visit to Japan by its Foreign Minister, and subsequently made strong public/diplomatic protests. But this over-reaction only goes to show that South Korea still fears and recognizes the latent power/strength of Japan, i.e., South Korea's action should be recognized for what it really is.

The media keeps crying that the Yasukuni visits will damage Japan-China and/or Japan-Korea diplomatic relations. They also criticize the visits as "insensitive". But in the cold-reality realm of international politics, it does not pay to be a "yes man" or a "good boy" who tries to curry other countries' favor --- this is something China and South Korea themselves -- and the rest of the World -- know very well.

CLICK TO THE NEXT PAGE FOR THE ORIGINAL JAPANESE

Prime Minister of Japan's Schedule Jan 7-13, 2013

January 7, 2012 (MON)

AM
09:26 LDP Headquarters
09:36 Give a speech in the new year ceremony
10:05 LDP executives meeting
10:41 Office
11:02 Attends the Inauguration Ceremony for the General Secretariat for Japan's Economic Revival at Cabinet Office
11:09 Office
11:26 Mr. Haruhiko Kuroda, Asia Development Bank President
11:41 Mr. Kitamura, Director of Cabinet Intelligence; and Mr. Shimohira, Cabinet Satellite Intelligence Center Director
11:46 Mr. Shimohira leaves
11:51 Mr. Kitamura leaves
11:52 Mr. Furuya, Minister in charge of the Abduction Issue; Mr. Mitani, Deputy Director, Headquarters for the Abduction Issue

PM
12:04 Liaison Meeting of the Government and Ruling Parties
12:47 Meeting adjourns
01:13 Keidanren Hall, Ootemachi, Tokyo; Petroleum Association of Japan New Year Party
01:38 The Imperial Hotel, Uchisaiwaicho, Tokyo; 2013 New Year Party Jointly Hosted by the Three Economic Associations
02:45 Office
02:47 Mr. Aso, Minister of Finance; Mr. Manago, Administrative Vice Minister of Finance; Mr. Kinoshita, Director General, Budget Bureau, MoF; and Mr. Tanaka, Director General, Tax Bureau, MoF
03:29 Mr. Amari, Minister of Economic Revitalization; Mr. Matsumoto, Administrative Vice Minister of Cabinet Office; and Mr. Matsuyama, Deputy Minister of Cabinet Office
04:09 2013 New Year Party by RENGO, at Hotel Lungwood, Nippori, Tokyo
04:42 New Year Party by the Japan Automobile Manufacturers Association, at Hotel Okura, Toranomon Tokyo,
04:53 Office
05:04 Mr. Fukushiro Nukaga, LDP member and former Minister of Finance; Mr. Kawamura, LDP Election Affairs Council Chief; and Mr. Ichiro Aisawa
05:38 The Imperial Hotel, New Year Party by Jiji Press
06:23 Dinner with Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe, Chair of Yomiuri Shimbun Group; and Mr. Suga, Chief Cabinet Secretary, at a Japanese Restaurant Wadakura in Palace Hotel Tokyo, Marunouchi
09:33 Home in Tomigaya

January 8, 2013 (TUE)

AM
09:30 Office
09:32 Mr. Aso, Minister of Finance; and Mr. Manago, Administrative Vice Minister of Finance
09:48 Mr. Furuya, National Public Safety Commission Chair
10:05 The First Cabinet Meeting in 2013
10:24 Headquarters for Japan’s Economic Revival
10:51 Courtesy Call from the President of the Japanese Olympic Committee (JOC), Mr. Tsunekazu Takeda, Olympians and Paralympians; Mr. Shimomura, Minister of Education attends
11:07 Mr. Shimomura and Mr. Toshiaki Endo, LDP Lower House member
11:51 Mr. Takuji Yanagimoto, Former DPJ Lower House member

PM
12:31 Mr. Yanagimoto leaves
02:20 Mr. Kishida, Minister of Foreign Affairs
02:32 Mr. Nemoto, Minister of Reconstruction
03:12 Mr. Shimomura, Minister of Education
03:48 Mr. Onodera, Minister of Defense; and Mr. Kanazawa, Administrative Vice Minister of Defense
04:47 The Prime Minister Receives a Greeting from the Representatives of the Six Regional Organizations
05:31 Receives a Request from the Governor of Okinawa Prefecture, Mr. Hirokazu Nakaima; Mr. Suga, Chief Cabinet Secretary, attends
05:41 All leave
07:00 Dinner with Mr. Takehiko Kiyohara, Chairman of the Sankei Shimbun and Mr. Takamitsu Kumasaka, President of the Sankei Shimbun, at a Japanese Restaurant Unkai in ANA Intercontinental Hotel Tokyo
09:29 Home in Tomigaya

January 9, 2013 (WED)

AM
09:13 Office
09:23 Mr. Sugiyama, Director-General, Asia Oceania Affairs Bureau, MoFA
10:31 Interview with Tokyo Chunichi Shimbun
11:26 Radio program recording for government PR

PM
12:00 Phone conference with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon; Mr. Saiki, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs; and Mr. Hiramatsu, Policy Bureau Director General, MoFA, attend
12:21 Mr. Saiki
12:28 Mr. Saiki leaves
02:00 Photo shoot with Mr. Junnichi Ishii, LDP Upper House member
02:15 Mayor Masato Matsuura of Houfu City, Yamaguchi Prefecture
02:31 Courtesy Call from the Chairman of the South Korea-Japan Parliamentarians' League and Others
03:19 Governor Yuhei Sato of Fukushima Prefecture
03:54 Hotel New Ootani in Kioicho; New Year Party by the Japan Productivity Center
04:55 Phone conference with President Hollande of France
05:10 Ms. Takaichi, LDP Policy Research Council Chief
05:32 Mr. Yoshitake Yokokura, President of Japan Medical Association
05:44 Issue appointment letters to the members of Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy, including Professor Motoshige Ito of the University of Tokyo Graduate School
06:01 Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy
07:00 Council adjourns
07:02 Mr. Aso, Minister of Finance
07:31 Mr. Kawai, Administrative Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs; Mr. Saiki; Mr. Iahra, Director General, North American Affairs Bureau, MoFA; and Mr. Suga, Chief Cabinet Secretary
08:26 Dinner with PM’s Advisors at a Japanese Barbecue Restaurant Ryugetsuen, Yotsuya, Tokyo
10:47 Home in Tomigaya