By Takuya Nishimura, Senior Fellow, Asia Policy Point
Former editorial writer for the Hokkaido Shimbun
You can find his blog, J Update here.
March 23, 2026
The White House might have turned into a haunted house for Japan’s Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi. Luckily, she managed to leave without infuriating the resident, U.S. President Donald Trump. She explained the legal requirements that limit Japan’s ability to send troops to the Strait of Hormuz. This work left no time for Takaichi to rebuild a common strategy with the U.S. and against China. After all was said and done, the summit meeting produced no obvious progress.
Pushing the Legal Constraints Forward
The greatest challenge for Takaichi in the meeting with Trump was how to deal with his demand for U.S. allies to help protect ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz. Trump had previously called on countries, including Japan, to send warships to keep the strait open.
Takaichi deliberated with her diplomatic staff on how to respond to Trump at the meeting. Their conclusion was that Japan could not send its Self-Defense Force to the Strait. They considered three options: 1) a determination that events in the Strait present a “survival threatening situation” in which Japan can deploy its armed forces to assist the U.S. forces in the region; 2) a determination that Iran’s activities in the strait were a “significant influence situation,” in which case Japan could provide logistic support; and 3) a determination that activities in the strait warranted “maritime security operations” under Article 82 of the Self-Defense Forces Act, in which Japanese forces take necessary action to protect life and property.
None of these theories work for action in the Strait, however. The situation in Iran does not threaten Japan’s survival, at least not so far. Japan cannot provide logistical support (on the basis of a significant influence situation) in any area where actual battle is ongoing. Maritime security operations extend only to Japanese vessels. Takaichi and her staff realized that, with the limits on their use, she could do little to satisfy Trump.
After her meeting with Trump, Takaichi explained to the press that she had told him what Japan “can and cannot do” in the Middle East. What she could do was to join with the U.S. in refusing to tolerate Iran’s nuclear development, blame Iran for its de facto blockade of the Strait, and promote a joint Japan-U.S. project for oil reserves. What she could not do was to send troops to the Strait. Asahi Shimbun reported that she cited Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan as the constraint on dispatching self-defense forces.
Two hours before the White House meeting, European leaders together with Takaichi issued a joint statement expressing their willingness to make “appropriate efforts” to ensure safe passage through the Strait. The statement ensured that Takaichi was not seen as acting alone but rather as a member of a group of U.S. allies although their rationales differed. The Europeans take the position that the conflict in the Strait is not their war while legal requirements preclude Japan from participating in the conflict.
Takaichi returned to Japan with homework: how to define “appropriate efforts.” The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Toshimutsu Motegi, suggested sending self-defense forces for mine sweeping in the Strait after a ceasefire. Obviously, Takaichi will need to find a reason to explain to the opposition parties in the Diet why Japan would take on this chore.
The China Issue Is Left Behind
For Japan, the summit meeting was originally set to discuss China. Takaichi made a careless comment last November on a “Taiwan contingency,” which exacerbated Japan-China tensions. As Trump scheduled his visit to Beijing in April, Takaichi had to talk with Trump beforehand to encourage him to keep the U.S. engaged in security activities in the Asia-Pacific region. Japan is afraid that Trump would lose interest in Asia if he were to reach a deal with Xi Jinping. In the event, the Trump-Xi meeting was postponed, as Trump continued to grapple with the war.
At the White House, Takaichi and Trump reconfirmed that they would closely consult with each other on with issues relating to China, based on the time-honored concept of a “Free and Open Asia-Pacific (FOIP).” Takaichi said that Japan would always be open to China, and Trump replied that he would be “speaking Japan’s praises” when he visits Beijing. But nobody knows when that will be.
It is notable that the Annual Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community took Takaichi’s Taiwan comment seriously. “Her comments represent a significant shift for a sitting Japanese prime minister,” the document said. Takaichi does not seem to have been successful in impressing on the president that her position on the Taiwan contingency is the same as that of her predecessor prime ministers.
Takaichi and Trump did reach three economic agreements. A joint announcement on bilateral investment included a commitment by the Japanese to construct small module reactors in Tennessee and Alabama and natural gas generation facilities in Pennsylvania and Texas. These proposals constituted the second wave of Japan’s promised investments that were part of the Japan-U.S. agreement in July 2025, related to Trump’s “reciprocal” tariffs on Japanese products.
The agreement for certain Japanese investments must have been the biggest souvenir of Takaichi’s trip to the U.S., regardless of whether Trump was satisfied with it or not. Japan announced the first wave of investments in February, which included the manufacture of industrial synthetic diamonds, construction of the U.S. crude oil export infrastructure, and natural gas generation. Takaichi tried to demonstrate Japan’s willingness to implement the July 22 agreement. The two waves represent about 20 percent of the promised $550 billion investment.
Charming, Flattering, and Ignoring
Takaichi presented her unique style of her diplomacy during the trip. Video footage of Takaichi’s arrival at the White House entrance was repeatedly broadcast in Japan. She approached Trump, who was standing at the entrance, and hugged him with her arms embracing his shoulder and waist. It was closer to tackling than hugging. Although she might have been trying to charm Trump, a former Japanese diplomat described it as “embarrassing.” One would have to search long and hard to find any evidence of another world leader hugging Trump.
At the beginning of summit meeting, Takaichi praised Trump as a distinguished leader. “Donald is the only person who can bring peace and prosperity across the world,” said Takaichi. In view of the U.S. military operations to replace the Venezuelan leader and to launch a surprise attack on Iran, most Japanese recognized her remarks on Trump-as-peacemaker as explicit flattery.
Japanese leaders have sometimes used “haragei (腹芸),” a performance dealing with issues not based on words or actions but on guts, in its relations with the U.S. Former prime minister Eisaku Sato was renowned for his haragei, as seen in his negotiations for the return of the U.S.-occupied Okinawa and in the textile deal. But Takaichi has yet to reach his skill level: the audience in Japan could easily perceive that she just did not want to piss Trump off.
Asked by the press why the U.S. did not give Japan advance notice of the first attack on Iran, Trump reached back 85 years, five years before he was born. “Who knows better about surprise than Japan, OK? Why didn’t you tell me about Pearl Harbor?” Trump answered. Takaichi – who understands the English language just fine – waited for the interpreter’s translation and made no verbal reply. She ignored Trump’s irrelevant joke; a surprise attack would not be announced to the target.
Takaichi has not had much diplomatic or international negotiation experience over trade deals before becoming prime minister. It is not easy for the leader of a country to conduct negotiations with national interests at stake by acting like a girl in love with a strong man.
