Wednesday, November 2, 2011
American Competitiveness Reviewed
FOSTERING U.S. INNOVATION
11/2 – 10:00am, 2318 Rayburn House Office Building. House Science, Space, and Technology Committee, Technology and Innovation Subcommittee hearing on "Creating and Growing New Businesses: Fostering U.S. Innovation." Witnesses: Brink Lindsey, senior scholar in research and policy at the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation; Julian Mann, co-founder and vice president for product development and research at Skybox Imaging; and Steve Dubin, former CEO of Martek Biosciences, senior advisor to DSM Nutritional Products.
U.S. INNOVATION CHALLENGES
11/2 – 10:00am, 2203 Rayburn House Office Building. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, TARP, Financial Service and Bailouts of Public and Private Programs Subcommittee hearing on "America's Innovation Challenge: What Obstacles Do Entrepreneurs Face?" Witnesses: Mr. Eric Koester, CMO and Co-Founder; Zaarly, Inc.; Ms. Lonna J. Williams, CEO, Ridge Diagnostics; Tsvi Goldenberg, Ph.D., CEOeem℞a.
TRANSFERRING AMERICA'S LEADING EDGE SCIENCE TO CHINA
11/2 – 3:00pm, 2172 Rayburn House Office Building. House Foreign Affairs Committee, Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee hearing on "Efforts to Transfer America's Leading Edge Science to China." Witnesses: Rep. Frank Wolf, R-Va., chairman of the House Appropriations Committee's Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies Subcommittee; Thomas Armstrong, managing associate general counsel at the Government Accountability Office; John Holdren, director White House Office of Science and Technology Policy; Charles Bolden, administrator of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration; Rick Fisher, senior fellow at the International Assessment and Strategy Center; Elizabeth Economy, senior fellow Council on Foreign Relations.
SCIENCE-TECH-ENGINEERING-MATH EDUCATION
11/3 – 10:00am, 2318 Rayburn House Office Building. House Science, Space, and Technology Committee, Research and Science Education Subcommittee hearing on "STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) In Action: Transferring Knowledge from the Workplace to the Classroom." Witnesses: Michael Beeth, Professor, Department of Curriculum and Instruction, University of Wisconsin Oshkosh; Christine Sutton, Secondary Math Teacher, Girgil I. Grissom High School, Huntsville City Schools, Alabama; Robin Willner, Vice President, Global community Initiatives, Corporate Citizenship & Corporate Affairs, IBM Corporation; Jason Morrella, President, Robotics Education and Competition Foundation; Jenifer Jones, Principal Clinical Scientist, Abbott Vascular.
Historic Ceremony
U.S. Congress holds a ceremony to award a Congressional Gold Medal to Japanese-American veterans * of the 100th Infantry Battalion, 442 Regimental Combat Team, and the Military Intelligence Service, United States Army, in recognition of dedicated service during World War II.
Participants: Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-NV; Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-KY; House Speaker John Boehner, R-OH; House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-CA.
Location: CVC-Emancipation Hall, U.S. Capitol, Washington, DC
*This is a collective medal that will be stored at the Smithsonian. Bronze replicas can be purchased.
Thursday, October 13, 2011
Connecting to Japan
HOW DOES JAPANESE RAILROAD TECHNOLOGY CONTRIBUTE TO THE LOW-CARBON SOCIETY? 10/17, 1:00-2:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: US-Japan Research Institute (USJI). Speaker: Mr. Masaki Ogata, Vice Chairman of East Railway Company (JR East).
WHAT COMES AFTER THE GREAT EASTERN JAPAN EARTHQUAKE? IMPLICATIONS ON THE JAPANESEAND EAST ASIAN ECONOMY, AS WELL AS GLOBAL ENERGY SECURITY AND NUCLEAR POLICY. 10/18, 10:30am-Noon, Washington, DC. Sponsor: U.S.-Japan Research Institute (USJI). Speakers: Hironori Kawauchi, Senior Economist, East Asia and Pacific Region, World Bank; Jane Nakano, Fellow, Energy and National Security Program, CSIS; Stratos Tavoulareas, Energy Adviser, Energy Technologies Enterprise Corporation; Yosihaki Abe, Operating Adviser, USJI.
NOW AND MORE THAN EVER BEFORE: PROMOTING INTELLECTUAL EXCHANGES BETWEEN THE U.S. AND JAPAN. 10/25, 12:00-2:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Japan Commerce Association of Washington. Speaker: Dr. L. Gordon Flake, Executive Director, Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation; Dr. Kent Calder, Director, Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies, SAIS, Johns Hopkins University.
Republican Presidential Hopefuls Views of Asia
This week, both Mitt Romney and Jon Huntsman released their views on foreign policy and gave speeches focused on America’s world obligations. Both seem to acknowledge that maritime security in the Pacific will be a focus of their Administrations. Both believe that Americans must lead. Most interesting, there is nearly no mention of Japan or Korea in their statements. Huntsman even suggests that India, not Japan, should become a permanent member of the the UN Security Council.
Below are links to their statements and papers as well as quotes. Neither Herman Cain nor Rick Perry have yet outlined their foreign policy views. Mr. Cain, however, says he is prepared for those "gotcha" questions by reporters covering his campaign for president. He told a reporter that he plans to simply answer "I don't know" if he is asked, Cain said. "And when they ask me who is the president of Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan, I'm going to say you know, I don't know. Do you know?"
MITT ROMNEY
Speech
US as #1
God did not create this country to be a nation of followers. America is not destined to be one of several equally balanced global powers. America must lead the world, or someone else will. Without American leadership, without clarity of American purpose and resolve, the world becomes a far more dangerous place, and liberty and prosperity would surely be among the first casualties.
China
China has made it clear that it intends to be a military and economic superpower. Will her rulers lead their people to a new era of freedom and prosperity or will they go down a darker path, intimidating their neighbors, brushing aside an inferior American Navy in the Pacific, and building a global alliance of authoritarian states?
No mention of Japan or Korean Alliances
And I will bolster and repair our alliances. Our friends should never fear that we will not stand by them in an hour of need. I will reaffirm as a vital national interest Israel’s existence as a Jewish state. I will count as dear our Special Relationship with the United Kingdom. And I will begin talks with Mexico, to strengthen our cooperation on our shared problems of drugs and security.
Military buildup
Among these actions will be to restore America’s national defense. I will reverse the hollowing of our Navy and announce an initiative to increase the shipbuilding rate from 9 per year to 15. I will begin reversing Obama-era cuts to national missile defense and prioritize the full deployment of a multilayered national ballistic missile defense system. I will order the formulation of a national cybersecurity strategy, to deter and defend against the growing threats of militarized cyber-attacks, cyber-terrorism, and cyber-espionage.
White Paper
Advisers
JON HUNTSMAN
Speech and Video
Advisers
The world needs American leadership now more than ever. Yet we are struggling to provide it.
President Obama’s policies have weakened America, and thus diminished America’s presence on the global stage.We must correct our course.
Only Pakistan can save Pakistan. Only Afghanistan can save Afghanistan. And right now we should focus on America saving America. Our future is not in the Hindu Kush Mountains of Afghanistan.
I have come to believe that we are embarking on a Pacific Century…in which America must and will play a dominant role....Embracing this reality may bring a dramatic change to the look of our military. The Asia Pacific is a maritime theater whereas Europe was mostly a land theater.
Our relationship with China has been a transactional one for 40 years. We buy their products. They buy our bonds. But for a truly healthy relationship, we need to infuse the relationship with shared values.
And recognizing India’s emerging role, I will also support our ally’s bid to become a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, as is fitting a country representing one-sixth of humanity.
Foreign Policy Outline
It’s all about the economy
To be good abroad, we must be great at home. America's competitive advantages are impermanent and can be squandered if we are not wise in the management of our resources and in choosing when and where to exercise our power. Through dramatic overhaul of our tax system and aggressive regulatory reform, we can once again unleash our creative class and give the American entrepreneur the chance to succeed.
Alliances but no mention of Japan or Korea
The international environment is rapidly changing, and the foundation for United States foreign policy should remain rooted in our traditional alliances. But we must also craft wise policies with respect to the new great powers. India can be a more valued strategic partner to the United States, and a better and more effective approach to the China relationship is also needed.
Asia
No distinct sidebar link to Asia but one to “Central Asia” (bet he knows the president of Uzbekistan) and a mention of Asian countries, but not China in “Trade.”
The United States should immediately initiate bilateral negotiations with Japan, India, Taiwan and Brazil, with the goal of concluding new free trade agreements with each.
Addresses Chinese Expansionism
The Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA and Asia Policy Point Cordially Invite You To
Addressing Chinese Expansionism
Maritime Security in East Asia
Wednesday, October 26, 2011
4:00-5:30 PM
Dr. Yoichiro Sato
4:00-5:30 PM
Dr. Yoichiro Sato
Director of International Strategic Studies
Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University
Dr. Yoichiro Sato is Professor and Director of International Strategic Studies at Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University. Previously, he taught diplomats and military officers at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies of the U.S. Department of Defense. He is a co-editor with G. John Ikenberry and Takashi Inoguchi of the new book, The U.S.-Japan Security Alliance: Regional Multilateralism. His other major works include Japan in a Dynamic Asia (co-edited with Satu Limaye, 2006), Norms, Interests, and Power in Japanese Foreign Policy (co-edited with Keiko Hirata, 2008), and The Rise of China and International Security (co-edited with Kevin Cooney, 2008). Dr. Sato received his BA in Law from Keio University, MA in International Studies from University of South Carolina and PhD in Political Science from University of Hawaii.
Reservations Necessary
Contact Mr. Jonathan Bender, apprsvp@gmail.com, with your name, affiliation, and contact information by Tuesday, October 25th or call Asia Policy Point at (202) 822-6040.
The Intellectual Korean Wave
APP member Emanuel Pastreich published the following critique of the "Korean Wave" in the Korea IT Times on August 16, 2011.
The Korean Wave (hallyu) has swept the world. Korea's romantic songs, thrilling movies and compelling television dramas have captured the imagination of a new generation-and quite a few from the previous generation. Although the mystique of Korean popular culture first took root in Japan and China, it has crept through Southeast and Central Asia and is now rolling into the Middle East and South America. Moreover, the Korean wave has extended to fashion and cosmetics, food and sports.
Nevertheless, although the Korean Wave has vastly enhanced Korea's visibility, we find that further up in the food chain the Korean Wave has not started in earnest. The truth is that most intellectuals in the United States, Europe or even Japan cannot name any Korean writers, have not read the essays of Korea's major intellectuals, and have little sense of the depth of Korea's history. We do not see English translations of articles by major Korean journalists appearing in the New York Times, and although President Obama may praise Korean education, he does not cite Korean experts.
But as someone living in Korea, someone who reads Korean books and journals, visits Korean galleries and talks with Korean intellectuals, I can affirm that there is plenty over here that deserves to be introduced to the world in a big way.
The highest priority is for us to introduce Korea's cultural past. There is an incredible wealth of writings by Koreans on Buddhism, Confucianism, self, and society produced over the last two millennia that has barely been touched. In most cases, those translations of the Korean classics that do exist were part of rushed projects to get out large amounts of text in short periods of time. We need scholars like Arthur Waley whose loving translation of Japan's Tale of Genji made it an essential part of literature classes around the world, or David Hawkes whose remarkable translation of China's Dream of the Red Chamber has made the novel a favorite. When the translations are of the highest caliber, international politicians and pundits will start to quote the great Koreans of the past. Only then will it no longer appear as if Korea suddenly stepped out onto the global stage in the 1980s.
Korean traditional medicine is a growth field. Korean scholarship on acupuncture and herbs is in many respects more comprehensive than what is available in China and Japan. And yet even as scholars at Harvard Medical School are taking a deeper interest in oriental medicine, little is available about Korea's great medical tradition in English. Kyung Hee University's Kim Nam-il's translation of "Donguibogam" (Principles and Practice of Eastern Medicine) into English is a critical first step, but more steps are needed.
Wednesday, September 28, 2011
Upcoming Member Events Washington & Tokyo
 |
| Senator Inouye, Ambassador Roos, House Minority Leader Pelosi, Ambassaor Fujisaki, Mrs. Inouye |
25TH ANNIVERSARYCONFERENCE IN TOKYO, “MOVING FORWARD: JAPAN IN THE WORLD ECONOMY.” 10/21, 1:15-8:00pm, Tokyo, Japan. Sponsor: Center on Japanese Economy and Business. Speakers: Hugh Patrick, Director, Center on Japanese Economy and Business, Columbia Business School; John V. Roos, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, the Embassy of the United States in Japan; Gerald L. Curtis, Burgess Professor of Political Science, Columbia University; Alicia Ogawa, Senior Advisor, Center on Japanese Economy and Business, Columbia Business School; Heizo Takenaka, Professor and Director, Global Security Research Institute, Keio University; David E. Weinstein, Carl S. Shoup Professor of Japanese Economy, Columbia University; Kazuhiko Toyama, CEO and Representative Director, Industrial Growth Platform, Inc.; Kazuo Ueda, Faculty of Economics, The University of Tokyo; Yiping Huang, Professor of Economics, Peking University; Paul Sheard, Global Chief Economist and Head of Economic Research, Nomura Securities Co., Ltd.; Hiroshi Mikitani, Chairman & CEO, Rakuten, Inc.; Bernd Schmitt, Robert D. Calkins Professor of International Business, Columbia Business School.
Noda, Kan, & Ozawa: Two Views
I. Noda in Charge, Really
Prime Minister Noda is doing his best to display leadership and plug the policymaking gaps created by his predecessors Hatoyama and Kan. His first task, after reassuring China that he would not visit the Yasukuni Shrine, has been to restructure Kantei’s (Prime Minister’s Office) decision-making process. He is also pushing an agenda to tackle the country’s disaster-weakened economy, starting with a 10-11 trillion yen supplemental budget this fall, as well as revive Japan’s diplomacy in the international community.
A surprising number of foreign and security policy developments came just in the last week, during which Noda – accompanied by his Foreign Minister Koichiro Genba -- made his diplomatic debut with a speech at the United Nations session in New York and significant side-meetings with President Obama and other leaders.
Noda has been restructuring the decision-making apparatus in order to adjust the shared policy roles of the government and ruling Democratic Party of Japan and consolidate more policymaking authority, primarily on economic matters, under his direct control in the Kantei. The highest policymaking body now is the joint government-party executive council (Seifu-Minshuto Sanyakuin Kaigi), which beneath it is a newly-created government-party council on budget compilation.
The new apparatus abandons the 2009 campaign manifesto promise to “unify” policymaking under the cabinet. The Hatoyama government let relevant ministers, specifically finance and internal affairs, compile the budget, while the Kan administration tried the government-party unified approach by placing Koichiro Genba, then chair of the once-scrapped DPJ Policy Research Council and national strategy minister in charge of budget compilation. Kan then chaired a cabinet meeting that took its cues from a budget evaluation conference attended by relevant government and ruling party members.
Noda has taken a different approach that seems to hark back to LDP days of the Koizumi administration. He has weakened the role of the three parliamentary vice ministers attached to each ministry and agency, while strengthening the party’s involvement. Party policy input into the joint government-party leaders’ council will come from the Policy Research Council. Noda in turn will be supported by a National Strategy Council (now in preparation) under him that will reflect his views on economic policy. The process, though, will require him to assert active leadership to achieve successful policy results.
The Prime Minister on other policy issues will rely on a more traditional decision-making structure when it comes to diplomacy and security affairs. Over the last week, some of the results came out in the UN trip and other occasions. For example, Noda on Sept. 23 expressed willingness to send a Ground Self-Defense Force unit to join international peacekeeping operations in newly independent South Sudan. "Japan is eager to make contributions to the United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS) in the fields in which Japan excels," the Prime Minister said at the 66th session of the U.N. General Assembly.
In addition, when Noda meets Philippine President Aquino in Tokyo on the 27th, the two will agree to regular bilateral talks on maritime defense, given China’s naval advances in the South China Sea, according to the Nikkei on Sept. 25. The Japanese government is dispatching a fact-finding team to Sudan in preparation for the expected dispatch of Ground SDF troops for engineering duties.
One surprise for the diplomatically untested Foreign Minister Genba came during his meeting with ROK Foreign Minister Kim Song-Hwan on the 24th. During what started out as a check-list conversation on bilateral matters, such as progress on an EPA (economic partnership agreement), Kim suddenly asked for talks on compensation to Korean “comfort women” (sex slaves for the Japanese military during WWII). Taken aback, Genba refused to discuss the issue.
“The issue was solved in the 1965 normalization agreement between Japan and South Korea, which dealt with outstanding claims,” he said, adding, “This issue should not be allowed to exert a negative impact on Japan-South Korea relations.” (This agreement was with an undemocratic South Korea and recently South Korea’s Supreme Court has ordered the Korean government to negotiate a new deal with Japan for the comfort women.) Japan has acknowledged its military used sex slaves, but refuses to directly compensate or apologize to the victims individually. In 1995, Japan set up a private fund, now expired, to help deal with claims by women who had been forced into providing sexual services to the Japanese military.
Meanwhile, in an article buried in the Nikkei on Sept. 23, Japan and the U.S. have reportedly agreed to continue for another two years development of the next generation of a ballistic missile defense system to be deployed at sea. Progress on this project began in 2006 and the missiles being developed were originally to be deployed in 2014. The U.S. would like to export the results of joint development to third countries, but Japan insists on tight controls on such.
President Obama used his bilateral time with Noda to press for speedy resolutions of four long-standing issues: Futenma base relocation, a decision on whether Japan will join the TPP, U.S. beef imports restricted since 2003 over the BSE issue, and Japan’s signing the Hague Treaty on child abductions.
Obama was favorably impressed by Japan's newest prime minister, Yoshihiko Noda, after the two met face-to-face for the first time on Sept. 21, sources from Noda's entourage revealed. According to the sources, President Obama was optimistic that the two could work together in a mutually effective partnership. Obama was also quoted as saying "I can do business with him," referring to Noda.
The President, though, may have felt the same way at first about the previous two prime ministers, and it remains to be seen whether Noda has the capability and the will to return to Japan to forge consensus on finally resolving any one of the thorny issues. His predecessors could not and were soon out of office. Noda, a wiser leader building a more effective decision-making apparatus, may just pull it off if this week’s momentum can be maintained.
William Brooks
APP Senior Fellow
II. Can Noda Lead?
Monday’s convictions of three former aides of Ichiro Ozawa for violations of campaign finance laws will affect Tokyo’s relationship with Washington. It almost certainly puts an end to Ozawa’s remarkable career as a vortex of power, the gadfly of the status quo, and annoyance to the Alliance Managers. Although the fate of his aides may not lead to his own conviction, how he manages his fall can either help or hurt the Noda government, which has put a priority on party unity.
Since Ozawa already has his rights as a party member suspended, the party has nothing to distance itself further from Ozawa other than expelling him. While the tradition of respect for the validity of conviction may prepare the way for Noda to suggest to Ozawa that he jump out rather than be pushed out, the affection many in the party have for Ozawa the man will make a speedy and painless divorce nearly impossible. The longer Ozawa remains a member of the DPJ, however, the harder the LDP, the New Komeito and the Your Party will try to hamstring Diet proceedings with demands that Ozawa either resign his seat, the DPJ expel him or Ozawa appears before the Ethics Committee or to give sworn testimony in the Diet. The passage of major items in the policy program of the Noda administration, even items so clearly in the public interest such as a third supplementary budget, will be in jeopardy.
What happens depends on whether Ozawa reacts to political pressures to draw himself in like a turtle into his shell -- which would clog up Diet proceedings as the opposition demands he come out and explain himself; breaks out with a handful (he can expect no more than a handful) of followers to form a new party or accepts his fate quietly, letting his followers find their own way around the changed political landscape.
The prospect of an Ozawa-free DPJ frightens both the LDP and the New Komeito. He has been the most convenient club with which they have been pummeling the ruling party on so-called money-and-politics ethical violations issue. With Ozawa gone, the LDP and the New Komeito would have little in the way of a positive political program with which to challenge the continued rule of the DPJ. Ozawa’s departure could lead to a precipitous realignment, where the New Komeito dumps its alliance with the LDP in favor of political cooperation with the DPJ. Such cooperation would give the DPJ a working majority in the currently deadlocked House of Councillors and override the supermajority in the House of Representatives.
Without Ozawa, the Ozawa allies in Cabinet and Party posts, namely Defense Minister Ichikawa, National Public Safety Commission Chairman Yamaoka, and DPJ Secretary-General Koshiishi will be less self-assured in their opposition to American demands on defense issues. Although Futenma-to-Henoko now looks more doable, Ozawa’s supporters did garner support by Asst Sec of State Kurt Campbell “kneecapping” of Noda in the presser he held after the Noda-Obama meeting last. Campbell said Obama “made very clear” that “we need to see results.” An embarrassed Noda denied this, saying that Campbell said instead “We are looking forward to progress.” There is no political plus for Noda to set or give the impression that he has a deadline for Okinawa.
Most important, the last thing that Noda wants to do is undo all his work craft a unified party by reaching out to Ozawa's supporters of Ozawa. Any move against Ozawa would undo that work. For the US, a continued indecisive Japan or another prime minister is not helpful on any issue.
Michael Cucek
Research Associate, MIT Center for International Studies
Blog
See Also: "Ozawa's Influence in Japan's DPJ Still Questionable," East Asia Forum, 9/23/11.
These essays appeared in the September 26th edition of APP's Asia Policy Calendar sent to APP members.
Sunday, September 18, 2011
Japan week continues
THE OKINAWA QUESTION: REGIONAL SECURITY, THE US-JAPAN ALLIANCE, AND FUTENMA. 9/19, 9:30am-4:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsors: Sigur Center, GWU and Nansei Shoto Industrial Advancement. Speakers: Robert Sutter (George Washington University); Michael Swaine (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace); Akio Takahara (Tokyo University); Llewelyn Hughes (George Washington University); Keynote by Governor Hirokazu Nakaima of Okinawa; Mike Mochizuki (George Washington University); Akikazu Hashimoto (J. F. Oberlin University); Kazuhisa Ogawa (International Politics and Military Analyst); Michael O’Hanlon (Brookings Institution); Kurayoshi Takara (University of the Ryukyus).RECENT STRUCTURAL CHANGES OF THE CHINESE ECONOMY AND THE JAPAN-CHINA RELATIONS: FORESEEING THE RECOVERY OF THE JAPANESE ECONOMY AFTER 3.11. 9/20, 10:00am-Noon, Washington, DC. Sponsor: US-Japan Research Institute (USJI). Speakers: Dr. Junhua Wu, Public Policy Scholar, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Chairwoman & Chief Economist, The Japan Research Institute (Shanghai), Council Member & Chief Sr. Economist, The Japan Research Institute Ltd.; Mr. Kiyoyuki Seguchi, Research Director, The Canon Institute for Global Studies; Dr. Yoshiaki Abe, USJI Operating Adviser, University Professor, Waseda University.
JAPAN'S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER THE DPJ: WHAT HAS CHANGED AND WHAT HAS NOT. 9/21, 10:30am-Noon, Washington, DC. Sponsors: U.S.-Japan Research Institute (USJI), Waseda University Organization for Japan-US Studies (WOJUSS). Speakers: Dr. Takashi Terada, visiting Professor, Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, Adjunct Researcher, Waseda University Organization for Japan-US Studies, Adjunct Researcher, Organization for Asian Studies, Waseda University; Dr. Christopher W. Hughes, Professor of International Politics and Japanese Studies, Department of Politics and International Studies University of Warwick; Dr. Yoshiaki Abe, USJI Operating Adviser/University Professor, Waseda University.
ASIA’S RISING ENERGY AND RESOURCE NATIONALISM. 9/22, 9:00am-12:30pm, Washington, DC. Hosts: National Bureau of Asian Research and Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Speakers: Senator Lisa Murkowski (I-AL); Edward Chow, CSIS; Bernard Cole, National Defense University; Craig Gannett, The Henry M. Jackson Foundation, Davis Wright Tremaine; Yufan Hao, University of Macau; John Hempelmann, The Henry M. Jackson Foundation, Cairncross & Hempelmann; Mikkal Herberg, NBR.
ASSISTING AFGHANISTAN (AND THE UNITED STATES): JAPAN’S PEACEBUILDING AND NEW DONOR COOPERATION IN AFGHANISTAN. 9/22, 4:00-5:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Reischauer Center, SAIS. Speaker: Kuniko Ashizawa, visiting fellow at the Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies at SAIS.
JAPAN’S “PEACE” CONSTITUTION AT 65: TIME FOR A CHANGE? 9/22, 3:00-5:30pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Asia Program, Wilson Center (WWC). Speakers: Thomas U. Berger, Associate Professor of International Relations, Boston University; Christopher Hughes, Professor of International Politics and Japanese Studies, University of Warwick, U.K.; Craig Martin, Associate Professor of Law, Washburn University; Sabine Frühstück, Chair and Professor of Modern Japanese Cultural Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara.
Wednesday, September 14, 2011
APP member events
JAPAN’S RECOVERY, 2011. 9/15, 4:30-6:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Reischauer Center, SAIS. Speakers: Amb. Ichiro Fujisaki, Japan’s Ambassador to the US; Kent Calder, Director, Edwin O. Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies, SAIS; Rust Deming, Adjunct Professor, Japan Studies Program; William L. Brooks, Adjunct Professor, Japan Studies Program; Arthur Alexander, Adjunct Professor, Japan Studies Program.
ENGINEERING CHINA’S FINANCIAL REFORM. 9/16, 10:00-11:30am, Washington, DC. Sponsors: Carnegie Asia Program, IMF. Speakers: Nigel Chalk, Senior Adviser in the IMF’s Asia and Pacific Department; Yukon Huang, senior associate in the Carnegie Asia Program; Nicholas R. Lardy, Senior Fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics; Douglas H. Paal, vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
THE NEW CHINA. 9/16, Noon-1:30pm, Lunch, Washington, DC. Sponsor: East-West Center in Washington. Speaker: William H. Overholt, Senior Researcher, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University.
THE OKINAWA QUESTION: REGIONAL SECURITY, THE US-JAPAN ALLIANCE, AND FUTENMA. 9/19, 9:30am-4:00pm, Washington, DC. Sponsors: Sigur Center, GWU and Nansei Shoto Industrial Advancement. Speakers: Robert Sutter (George Washington University); Michael Swaine (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace); Akio Takahara (Tokyo University); Llewelyn Hughes (George Washington University); Keynote by Governor Hirokazu Nakaima of Okinawa; Mike Mochizuki (George Washington University); Akikazu Hashimoto (J. F. Oberlin University); Kazuhisa Ogawa (International Politics and Military Analyst); Michael O’Hanlon (Brookings Institution); Kurayoshi Takara (University of the Ryukyus).
KOREA'S ECONOMY 2011 BOOK LAUNCH: INCREASING INTERDEPENDENCE: CHINA AND THE TWO KOREAS. 9/20, 9:00-10:30am, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Korea Economic Institute of America (KEI). Speakers: Gordon Chang, Author of Nuclear Showdown: North Korea Takes On the World
; Dick Nanto, Specialist, Industry & Trade, Japan Task Force, Congressional Research Service; Troy Stangarone, Senior Director, Congressional Affairs and Trade, Korea Economic Institute.
; Dick Nanto, Specialist, Industry & Trade, Japan Task Force, Congressional Research Service; Troy Stangarone, Senior Director, Congressional Affairs and Trade, Korea Economic Institute.CRISIS AND RESPONSE: THE TOHOKU DISASTER AND WHAT IT MEANS FOR JAPAN'S FUTURE. 9/20, 5:00-6:30pm, New York, New York. Sponsors: Center on Japanese Economy and Business, Columbia Business School; Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University. Speakers: Gerald Curtis, Burgess Professor of Political Science, Columbia University; Hugh Patrick, R.D. Calkins Professor of International Business Emeritus.
How China Can Learn To Stop Worrying and Live With Noda
Western Japan experts and journalists have responded to the rapid rise of the formerly low-profile Yoshihiko Noda, who earlier this month become Japan’s sixth Prime Minister in five years, with a quick consensus: the self-effacing former Finance Minister may be a bland, uncontroversial choice* on domestic issues, but his conservative nationalistic views threaten to spark renewed tensions with Japan’s neighbors – particularly China.
This verdict has been primarily driven by Noda’s decision last month to stand by his October 2005 statement about WWII Class-A war criminals that "the honor of all 'war criminals' has been recovered in a legal sense. In other words, those people who have been referred to as 'Class-A war criminals' are not war criminals."
This statement notably positioned Noda to the right of then-Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who had at least acknowledged that these figures were indeed war criminals. Koizumi dealt a serious blow to Japan’s diplomatic relations with its neighbors throughout his unusually long tenure as by insisting on annual visits to Yasukuni Shrine, where these war criminals are enshrined, so Noda’s decision to stand by his 2005 statement understandably raised worries in China and Korea that he was signaling an intention to resume these visits.
Noda addresses concerns
However, in a move that has not been widely reported in the U.S., Noda addressed these fears head-on in his first formal press conference as Prime Minister on September 2, vowing that neither he nor his Cabinet members would visit the Yasukuni Shrine.
Noda followed this up with a call to Chinese Premier Wen (as well as calls to his counterparts in Russia on South Korea) on September 6. Japanese coverage of the Noda-Wen call highlighted the news that Noda intended to visit China in early October, shortly after his planned visit to the U.S. in late September to meet President Obama and address the UN General Assembly. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu immediately confirmed that China would welcome Noda’s visit.
China not looking for a fight
One year after a collision between a Chinese fishing boat and two Japanese Coast Guard vessels sparked a major row between the two nations, the fishing boat captain, who was initially hailed as a hero when he was released and returned home, has been grounded, sidelined, and placed under close watch by Chinese authorities. Clearly, China does not want a repeat of last year’s incident.
The initial Chinese media reaction to Noda’s victory in the DPJ leadership race was, as Elizabeth Economy of the Council on Foreign Relations noted, highly critical. However, according Asahi Shimbun’s sources, President Hu then stepped in and changed the tone – even before Noda's vow to abstain from Yasukuni visits. “At the behest of the Communist Party leadership under President Hu Jintao,” reported Asahi, “the state-run Xinhua News Agency carried a story Aug. 30 on Noda's election as prime minister” arguing that "Mr. Noda made remarks that caused controversies in the fields of domestic politics and diplomacy. But we should not label him at an early stage."
Asahi further reported that "Noda is determined to reach out to Chinese leaders and earn their trust, thereby establishing a sound footing for bilateral relations."
Senkakus still a flashpoint
It would be a mistake to view Noda as a pro-China politician. The son of a Ground Self Defense Forces paratrooper, Noda is aware of the possibility that some new, minor incident involving the Senkaku Islands could spark another major diplomatic row with China.
In a crucial August 27 speech as one of the five candidates jockeying for support in the internal DPJ party election to replace former Prime Minister Kan, Noda argued that “among neighboring countries, there is one that is using economic growth and nationalism to attract the people. […] For that country, next year is a transformation period as its leadership will change. There is a possibility that the country will take provocative action against Japan.” In a clear reference to last year’s Senkaku dispute, which was widely viewed within Japan as ending with a complete capitulation to China, Noda also expressed his fears that Japan “has instilled a weak image when it comes to territorial issues.”
If a territorial squabble between Japan and China does break out, there is good reason to believe that the Japanese public will rally round their Prime Minister – a fact that is unlikely to escape Noda’s attention.
Furthermore, DPJ Policy Research Committee Chairman Seiji Maehara’s decision to repeatedly call China a "game changer" looking to remake the international system during his September 7 speech to the Sasakawa Peace Foundation in Washington, DC is clearly going to raise some hackles in Beijing.
Actions speaking clearly
But the fact remains that in the early days of the Noda Administration, both Tokyo and Beijing are making an effort to get along. For example, on September 6, when Foreign Minister Koichiro Genba announced that Japan and China would hold working-level negotiations to establish a marine crisis management mechanism to help prevent a repeat of last year's diplomatic row.
Maehara is an influential politician, but he holds a party post, not an administration post, and after his speech both Defense Minister Yasuo Ichikawa and Chief Cabinet Secretary Osamu Fujimura quickly distanced the Noda government by saying that he had simply been expounding his “pet theory” and denying any coordination with him.
As for Noda’s decision to stand by his 2005 statement on war criminals and his August 27 expressions of concern about China, they may well have reflected his true feelings, but they were also attempts to win the support of conservatives within his party and the opposition LDP. Although he might not back down from a fight with China if it arises, Noda’s actions since taking office – his plan for an early visit to Beijing and especially his quick, clear statement ruling out Yasukuni visits – have signaled to the Chinese leadership that he is not looking to start one.
Conrad Chaffee
APP Non-resident Fellow
First appeared in APP's September 12, 2011 Asia Policy Calendar.
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